F 1234 
.U563 
Copy 1 



)TH CoNGEESS, ) SENATE. ( Report 

M Session, f 1 No. 645. 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO 



May 24 (calendar day May 31), 1920. — Ordered to be printed. 
June 2 (calendar day June 3), 1920.' — Illustration ordered printed. 



>. Fall, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, submitted the 

following 

PARTIAL REPORT. 

[Pursuant to S. Res. 106,] 

The committee was appointed under Senate resolution 106, for 

le purpose of investigating and reporting upon certain facts, matters, 

id suggestions with reference to Mexican affairs as affecting 

-merican citizens and American property rights; the relations be- 

•v^een the two countries etc. 

[Senate resolution 106.] 

Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations, or any subcommittee thereof, 
authorized and directed to investigate the matter of damages and outrages suffered 
' citizens of the United States in the Republic of Mexico, including the number of 
;izens of the United States who have been killed or have suffered personal outrages 
Mexico, and the amount of proper indemnities for such murders and outrages; the 
lantity of damages suffered on account of the destruction, confiscation, and larceny 
personal property and the confiscation and deprivation of the use of lands ana the 
struction of improvements thereon; the number of citizens of the United States 
dding in Mexico at the time Porfirio Diaz retired from the Presidency of Mexico, 
d the number of citizens of the United States at present residing in Mexico, and the 
ture and amount of their present holdings and properties in said country; and in 
aeral any and all acts of the Government of Mexico and its citizens in derogation of 
3 rights of the United States or of its citizens ; and for this purpose to sit at any tin?.e 
place during the sessions of Congress or during recess and with authority to subpoena 
2h witnesses and documents as may be necessary, and to make a report of its findings 
the premises to the Senate ; and the said committee shall further investigate and 
3ort to the Senate what if any, measures should be taken to prevent a recurrence of . 
:h outrages. 

The subcommittee appointed under this resolution consists of Sena- 
's Albert B. Fall, of New Mexico, chairman; Frank B. Brandegee, 

Oonnecticut; and Marcus A. Smith, of Arizona. 
lie committee organized in the city of Washington on the 8th day 
ugust,_1919. ^ 

long its assistants and employees, appointed by the committee, 
the following: 
icis J. Kearful, ex- Assistant Attorney General of the Ignited ; 



AFFAIRS IN" MEXICO. 






Maj. Dan M. Jackson, clerk, resigned from the ofB.ce of the Judge- 
Advocate General to serve with the committee. 

Mr. Henry O. Flipper, Spanish translator, historian, and thoroughly 
familiar with Mexican law, residence, El Paso, Tex., as translator 
and interpreter. 

Capt. W. M. Hanson, investigator, captain of senior company 
Texas Rangers, furloughed by Gov. Hobby, of Texas, in order to serve 
with the committee. 

Gus T. Jones, investigator, special agent Department of Justice, 
El Paso district, given furlough m order to assist the committee. 

Capt. George E. Hyde, mvestigator, assigned by the Chief of Mili- 
tary Intelligence, War Department, to assist the committee. 

Estelle Stewart, stenographer and clerk. 

Harry G. Clunn, stenographer and clerk. 

Later, Mary C. Early, clerk to committee, in place of Maj. Dan 
M. Jackson. 

In addition to the above regular employees, special confidential 
investigators were in the employ of the committee. 

The clerical force of the chairman also gave a great deal of time 
to the affairs of the committee. 

The committee held its first hearmg in Washington on Monday, 
September 8, 1919. 

Hearings have been held in Washington, New York, El Paso, 
Laredo, Brownsville, and San Antonio, Tex.; Tucson and Nogales, 
Ariz.; and Los Angeles and San Diego, Calif. 

The committee in its investigations have had hearings at the 
places aforesaid, and at its first meeting authorized its assistant, 
Judge Francis J. Kearful, to examine witnesses and take evidence 
in behalf of the committee, and the same authority was conferred 
upon Investigators Capt. W. M. Hanson and Gus T. Jones. - _ 

By resolution it was agreed that either member of the coinmittee 
might act for the committee wherever he should be from time to 
time in conducting hearings, etc. 

TRAVEL. 

One member of the committee in the conduct of the investigationF 
accompanied by one or more other members and also by one r 
more of the investigators and assistants, has traveled in taki 
testimony, etc., more than 12,000 miles. 

STATE DEPARTMENT. 

Immediately after the appointment of the committee the Seer 
of State of the United States was notified by the chairman of 
appointment and the general objects of the investigation ap 
requested to cooperate with the committee in such investi 

From time to time special requests were niade of the Secrf 
State for spechic papers, data, and information, and it is wi ^ 

pleasure that the committee reports cheerful cooperation | 

the Department of State and the committee and expresses i J 

elation of the courtesy with which the requests of the ( 
have been treated, and gratitude for the very great assif 
dered the committee by the department. 

D7 of .-V 
OCT *25 j?e28 



AFFAIRS IIT MEXICO. d 

MILITARY INTELLIGENCE. 

Following a request of the committee the Chief of Military Intelli- 
gence, United States Army, designated Capt. George E. Hyde to 
assist the committee in its investigation, and Capt. Hyde accom- 
panied the committee to various border points, attending hearings 
and rendering assistance in its investigation. 

To the local intelligence officers along the border at San Antonio, 
El J*aso, Nogales, and other points the committee is especially 
indited for their very efficient cooperation, advice, and assistance. 

TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 

In response to requests m.ade by the committee upon the Treasury 
Department for permission to examine records in the office of different 
collectors, etc., such permission was immediately granted, and 
through same valuable data and information was obtained. 

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. 

Not alone through the courtesy of the department through the 
Chief of the Bureau of Investigation and district representative, 
Charles E. Brenniman, in furnishing Gus T. Jones, but through many 
other evidences of cooperation, this department rendered most 
efficient service to the coiamittee. 

I IMMIGRATION DEPARTMENT. 

i 

Officers of the Immigration Department along the border cooper- 
ated with the committee and rendered it very material aid in its work. 
1 Francis J. Kearful severed his connection with the committee by 
jpresenting his resignation to the chairman on April 14, effective May 
^6, 1920, to attend to personal business. 

' Maj. Dan M. Jackson resigned as clerk on April 1, effective May 1, 
1920, to resume the practice of law. 

While the services of these gentlemen were of very great benefit 
to the committee, in the taking of testimony, it was deprived of their 
assistance in the compilation of this report. 

TESTIMONY. 

The committee has examined and taken the evidence of 257 
witnesses, of which number the evidence of 52 was taken in executive 
session; the record of which, together with the documentary proof 
embraces approximately 5,000 pages of the report. 



REPORT. 

The Chaieman Committee on Foreign Relations, 

United States Senate: 
Your committee heretofore appointed under Senate resolution 106, 

for the purpose of conducting certain investigations more specifically 

set forth in the resolution itself, beg leave at this time to make a report 

of iheiv labors, investigations, and conclusions based thereupon. 
You are respectfully referred to the preliminary statement preceding 

this report, and made a portion of same, as to the organization and 

method of operation of the committee. 

Under the resolution as drawn, the committee proceeded with its 

investigations, construing the duties imposed upon it to be embraced 

generally under the following specific heads: 

I. Number of American citizens who have been killed. 

n. Number of American citizens who have suffered personal out- 
rages. 

in. Amount of proper indemnity for such murders. 

rv. Amount of proper indemnity for outrages. 

V. Quantity of damages suffered on account of the destruction, con- 
fiscation; and larceny of personal property and the confiscation 
and deprivation of the use of lands and the destruction of im- 
provements thereon. 

VI. Number of American citizens residing in Mexico at the time 
Porfirio Diaz retired from the Presidency of Mexico. 

VII. Number of American citizens residing in Mexico at present. 

Vni. Nature and amount of present holdings and properties in Mexico 
of citizens of the United States. 

IX. Generally, any and all acts of the Government of Mexico and its 
citizens in derogation of the rights of the United States or of its 
citizens. 

X. What, if any, measures should be taken to prevent a recurrence 
of such outrages, etc. 

In presenting a detailed report, however, the committee have 
thought best to transpose the subjects as set out in the foregoing list, 
and report first upon Nos. VI and VII, to wit: 

(A) Number of American citizens residing in Mexico at the time 
Porfirio Diaz retired from the presidency of Mexico. 

(B) Number of American citizens at present residing in Mexico. 



AFFAIRS IIT MEXICO. O 

At the outset of its investigation as to the number of Americans 
residing in Mexico at the period of the overthrow of the Diaz govern- 
ment, the committee was confronted with the difficulty of obtaining 
any rehable data whatsoever from Mexican sources Because of the 
very well recognized fact, that no correct census of the Mexican, 
Indian, or any other population has ever been taken by the Mexican 
Government. Of course, attempts to take a census have been made 
from time to time, but the results of such attempts have generally 
been recognized as of little or no value by those acquainted with 
Mexico and its population. From no Mexican data obtainable has 
it been possible even to estimate the number of Americans reported 
in Mexico. 

Consular offices have made more or less full reports from time to 
time upon various matters connected with American investments in 
Mexico, and incidentally from some particular locality there have 
been attempts to estimate the number of Americans in such consular 
district. 

The general opinion of Americans who had been in Mexico prior to 
1911 and who are best acquainted with the country, has been to the 
effect that there were, at the time of the overthrow of Diaz, 60,000 
Americans in the entire Republic. Of course this would not include 
those merely visiting Mexico or some State or city therein from time 
to time and remaining a few days or a few months, but this general 
estimate would be that of the actual resident American population 
in the Republic. 

The testimony in this case shows through the estimate of those 
who should be best informed (for instance, that of Mr. Henry Lane 
Wilson, United States am^bassador to Mexico at the period men- 
tioned, pt. 15, p. 2249), that there were then 75,000 Americans, in- 
cluding transients, in the Republic of Mexico. 

Mr. Wilson, referring to such population and to the occupation of 
Americans in Mexico, estimates that there were then 2,000 Ainericans 
on the railways; probably 5,000 engaged in mining, and possibly 8,000 
engaged in educational work and residing in the* country for reasons 
of health, diversion, or investment, etc. 

The investigation conducted by this committee would 'indicate 
that there were very many more larmers in the Republic of Mexico 
than estimated by Mr. Wilson; in fact, it is shown by such testimony^ 
from those entirely familiar with the particular subject, that in cer- 
tain agi'icultural colonies alone, in the States of Chihuahua and 
Sonora in the north, to wit: 

The Colonies of Dublam, 
Juarez, 
Pacheco, 
Garcia, 
Chuichupa, 
Diaz, 
Morelos, etc. 

There were more than four thousand (4,000) Americans engaged in 
agriculture at the time referred to. 



G AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 

In addition to the foregoing are the American colonies O-" — 

Atascador, 

Camacho, 

Columbus, 

Chemal, 

Colonia, 

Medina, 

Manuel, 

Rio Verde, 

San Dieguito, 

Santa Lucrecia, 

San Pedro, 

Sinaloa-Sonora, 

Valles, 

Victoria, 
or a total number of families in all colonies at the date mentioned of 
approximately three thousand (3,000), averaging five (5) persons 
each. 

The evidence would also show that aside from those mentioned 
as engaged in agriculture in the colonies or groups of families, Ameri- 
cans were settled in practically every State in the Republic, in larger 
or smaller numbers, engaged in sheep, cattle, and horse raising; 
and in agriculture, and agriculture in connection with stock raising; 
in plantations and ranches and small farms throughout the different 
valleys and agricultural districts, raising sugar, coffee, tropical 
fruits of all kinds, and, in the higher altitudes, in raising potatoes, 
wheat, and crops of like character. 

The evidence shows that these Americans had taken mto the 
Republic of Mexico, in practically every instance testified to, im- 
proved breeds of stock, improved and up-to-date agricultural imple- 
ments of all kinds, and also that they were engaged not only in 
farming by their own labor and that of their own families, but that 
they were employing large numbers of Mexicans in such labor. 
From the evidence before us, the committee deem themselves justi- 
fied in venturing the assertion that for every American engaged in 
agriculture and stock raising in Mexico, there were on an average 
at least five Mexicans employed by such Americans. 

The committee from the evidence which they have obtamed, such 
information being embraced in the testimony herewith reported, esti- 
mates that at the time of the overthrow of Diaz there were more than 
15.000 Americans residmg permanently and cultivating lands on 
small holdings, as distinguished from plantations and grazmg-stock 
ranches, producing crops and raising stock m Mexico. 

INDIVIDUAL AMEKICANS IN OTHEK OCCUPATIONS. 

The Americans in Mexico, m addition to the occupations men- 
tioned — that is to say, those engaged in agriculture, mining, and rail- 
roading — were engaged m the development of the other resources of 
Mexico in every State in the Republic. 

They were engaged in the construction of irrigation enterprises 
upon a small scale and of a private character; some upon a much 
larger, and some upon an enormous scale, endeavoring to put in 
cultivation hundreds of thousands of acres of land which could not 



AFFAIRS UJ MEXICO. 7 

1)6 cultivated except by the construction of dams, canals, locks, or 
other irrigation works, including reservoirs for the storage of water, 
etc. 

Not only hundreds, but thousands, of Americans were employed in 
such work, both skilled and common labor, in construction and work- 
ing for wages ; others in overseeing and teaching the ignorant Mexican 
laborers; others, of course, in keeping accounts, commissaries, etc. 
Other Americans were engaged in developmg water power; developing 
electric lighting plants furnishing power to the mines, mills, and for 
other purposes throughout the Republic; and those engaged in this 
work were not only employing and teaching vast numbers of Mexican 
laborers but were also employing Americans both as workmen and 
as foremen in all such enterprises. 

Americans from 1906 to 1910 had carried the first sawmills into the 
northern portion of Mexico, packing same over the mountain trails 
upon mule back, and later constructing roads over which to transport 
heavier and better machinery; establishing uj)-to-date band mills, 
dry kilns, etc., with a daily capacity running into the hundreds of 
thousands of feet of lumber. 

In these enterprises, likev/ise, large numbers of Mexicans were em- 
ployed under the du'ection of a very large number of skilled American 
w^orkmen, and working with them were Americans engaged in common 
labor. 

American oil drillers had drilled every well producing oil in Mexico; 
iad set up every rig ; had put together every piece of machinery ; had 
set up practically every hoist upon every mine, and erected the boilers 
for the making of steam. 

It is needless to attempt to describe here the various enterprises in 
which Americans were engaged, except to convey some proper idea of 
the total number of Americans residing in Mexico at the time of the 
Diaz overthrow. 

Again, to sum up ; the committee think it safe to say that the aggre- 
gate of American population in Mexico in 1910-11 was fully that fixed 
by ex-Am.bassador Wilson, that is to say, 75,000. 

The investigation by the committee and the testimony taken, 
justify the committee in saying that there are not more than 12,000 
-at the present time in all these enterprises. 

In answer to a request for specific information upon this subject, 
the State Department recently handed the committee a report from 
American consuls, of date September 16, 1919, by which it appears 
that there were at that date 11,864 Americans in the different consu- 
lar districts in Mexico. 

Of this number 4,000 are reported in the Tampico district, whUe in 
1910 it is well known that there were not more than 1,200 Americans 
in the same district. 

AMERICANS DID NOT REGISTER AT CONSULATES. 

Prior to 1910, or to the overthrow of Diaz, not one Am.erican in 
three, operating or residing in the Republic of Mexico, ever recorded 
himself at the American consulate or was known to the American 
consul unless he became acquamted with him socially or called upon 
the consul for the verification of a deed or an instrument executed in 
Mexfco concerning interests or property in the United States. 



8 AFFAIES IX .AtKXlCO. ■ 

Americans going into Mexico across the border sought no passports 
and exhibited none, but traveled back and forth as freely as if the 
boundary line did not exist, except as they came in contact with the 
customs officers on either side of the line. 

The consequence was that, however efficient the consul, in no 
single consulate in the Republic from the years, at least, 1884 to 1910 
was it possible for the consul to have knowledge of the number of 
Americans in his district unless that number was very few and he was 
brought in personal contact with them. 

When Americans were ordered out from time to time, from the 
year 1912 down to the present, at intervals of a few months, by their 
benevolent and protective Government at home, it has been sug- 
gested to them that they could go to the consul and leave a list of 
their property. 

INCREASE OF POPULATION, TAMPICO DISTRICT. 

It will be remembered that oil development in Mexico dates from 
about the year 1910, and, as hsreinbefore stated, by paying taxes to 
the Carranza Government, however so often the amount of such 
taxes might be illegally raised, and by paying for protection to 
''Pelaez" or some other patriotic collector in the outlying districts, 
American oil companies at and around Tampico have been enabled 
to fm-nish approximately one-third of the oil used by the Allies in 
winning the war, and by extraordinary efforts in the face of most 
stupendous difficulties and at enormous additional expense are con- 
tinuing, to some extent, to meet the increased needs for gasoline 
and oils in the economic development of this country. 

Thus by their efforts they have been able to secure the services of 
additional Americans and nave thus increased the American popula- 
tion of the Tampico consular district from 1,200 to 4,000. 

An American who knows Mexico, and has known it for 20 years or 
more, when asked how many Americans he thinks remain in Mexico, 
will almost invariably reply, ' ^Not more than 8,000." Such American 
has not considered the increase in the American population at 
Tampico, due to the causes just stated, and therefore when such 
increase in population is added to his figures his guess or estimate is 
approximately correct. 

(A) NUMBER OF AMERICAN CITIZENS WHO HAVE BEEN KILLED IN 
MEXICO. 

(B) NUMBER WHO HAVE BEEN KILLED IN THE UNITED STATES 
THROUGH ATTACKS OF RAIDING PARTIES FROM MEXICO OR 
THROUGH SHOTS FIRED ACROSS THE BORDER INTO THE UNITED 
STATES. 

Again the committee were compelled to attempt to overcome diffi- 
culties, which can not readily be imagined by those not familiar with 
occurrences in Mexico during the last 10 years, in attempting to ob- 
tain entirely definite and reliable information upon which to report the 
nmnber of Americans who have been killed in Mexico during the period 
mentioned; that is to say, from 1910 to the date of this report. 

On September 9, 1919, after the appointment of your committee,, 
and in answer to its request, the State Department furnished us with 
the number of "Claims filed for the alleged killing of American 
citizens, 73." 



AFFAIES IE" MEXICO. 9 

The committee, after devoting several months to the taking of in- 
dividual testimony and to the comparison of same, together with 
the data furnished by the State Department and such other reliable 
data, documentary and otherwise, as it has been able to procure, can 
finally report definitely that not fewer than 461 Americans (see pp. 
A, B-I, this report) have heen killed in Mexico owing to revolutionary 
disturbances in that country or during the period of such revolu- 
tionary disturbances, which, it is unnecessary to say here, have been 
continuous since 1910-11 to the present time. 

You are respectfully referred to pages B-I of this report for an 
itemized list containing names and other data concerning said deaths 
and in confirmation of this report. 

(B) NUMBER OF AMEBICAN CITIZENS KILLED ON AMERICAN BOIL, 
THROTIGH ATTACKS BY RAIDING MEXICANS 

Or by shots fired across the international boundary by Mexicans 
from Mexico, number, 126; as will be seen by the summary accom- 
panying this report on page A. 

A large number of Americans who lost their lives within the State 
of Texas, as herein reported and more specifically set forth on pages 
A, J, K, were killed in the carrying out of what is known as the 
''plan of San Diego," which will be hereafter referred to, and during 
the period which was declared by the Supreme Court of the State 
of Texas, in the Arce case, on April 17, 1918, to be a period of war 
between the Carranza recognized de facto government of Mexico, 
and the United States of America. 

Through the decision rendered in this case it became necessary 
for ofiicers in charge of prisoners convicted of murder in the lowor 
courts, to turn such prisoners loose and allow them to find their 
way back, or to escort them in safety, to the international boundary 
and to seek sanctuary for their crimes in the Republic of Mexico. 

The large number of those killed in New Mexico, were killed during 
the Columbus raid in March, 1916, when followers of Pancho Villa 
led, as the evidence in the trial of some of his associates shows, by 
that redoubtable chieftain in person, in the dead hours of night, 
attacked American citizens in their homes in a town situated 3 miles 
from the international boundary and supposed to be guarded from 
danger by American troops encamped at the town. 

The greater number of those citizens reported as killed in the 
State of Arizona, were killed during supposed battles between the 
contending forces upon Mexican soil, by shots fired from the Mexican 
side, while pursuing their peaceful avocations in the streets of their 
own cities, in a State of the American Union. 

Of those so killed in the State of Arizona, the larger nimiber were 
killed and wounded in the streets of Naco, where a street of ordinary 
width marks the dividing line between Sonora and Arizona. 

American troops were stationed in and around the American 
town, for what purpose is not shown in the evidence except by the 
sworn testimony of Capt. Wheeler, sheriff of Cochise County, Ariz., 
and others. (See pt. 12, p. 1873.) This evidence discloses the fact 
that Wheeler was informed by the officer in command of American 
troops 'that should there be an attempt by himself or his posse or 
by the use of State troops to interfere with either or both Mexican 



10 AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 

factions for the purpose of saving lives of American citizens on 
American soil that, much to the regret of such officer, who delivered 
this ultimatum with tears running down his cheeks, he, the sheriff 
and his posse, or State troops to be sent at his request when attempt- 
ing such purpose, would be arrested by the United States troops 
under command of the American officer in pursuance of his orders 
to that effect. 

NUMBER OF AMERICAN CITIZENS WHO HAVE SUFPEBED PER- 
SONAL OTJTRAGES IN MEXICO DURING THE PERIOD 1910 TO 
DATE. 

Again, the difficulties which confronted the committee in the 
attempt to secure data of a reliable character which it might be 
justified in presenting in answer to the last above direction were 
almost insurmountable. As some of these difficulties will be here- 
after more fully referred to only a few may now be necessarily men- 
tioned, to wit: 

First. Americans who have been humiliated and insulted and 
assaulted in a very large number of cases have continued to reside 
in Mexico, or having removed therefrom, have been so overwhelmed 
by loss of their life's savings that a more or less slight personal injury 
has never been referred to, and after a short period of time has come 
to be considered an entirely unimportant matter. 

Second. As will hereafter be shown, the Mexican Government, 
through all its consuls and the embassy and by proclamation both 
in Mexico and the United States, warned all persons who might 
expect or desire to volunteer testimony before the committee, or 
whom the committee might desire to summon, that no such witness 
testifying before this committee would be allowed to return to the 
Republic of Mexico. 

These instructions were of an official character (seept. 12, p. 1837, 
of testimony) issued by the foreign office of Mexico and were ob- 
served by Mexican consuls located in all the cities of the United 
States, and particularly those along the border line between Mexico 
and this country. 

All Mexican citizens or former Mexicans, fugitives or otherwise, in 
this country were by proclamations (see p. 1185 of testimony) coming 
from Mexico warned that should they give evidence before this 
committee they would be regarded as traitors to their own country. 

In the statement furnished us on September 9, 1919, by the De- 
partment of State, and heretofore referred to and printed as a part 
of this report (p. 90), it will be seen that "Claims filed for all injuries 
to the person number 97." 

From the evidence taken by the conunittee, documentary and by 
way of sworn testimony of witnesses, the committee are enabled to 
report, as will be seen by the summary (p. A in this report), 198 
cases of personal injury. 

AMOUNT OF PROPER INDEMNITY FOR MURDERS. 

Of course it has been impossible for the committee to arrive at an 
amount which might be considered by a court, or by a claims com- 
mission, as the proper or just amount of compensation for the death 
of any individual. 



ATFAIKS IN MEXICO. 11 

The report of the State Department (p. 90 herein) shows that as 
before stated, 73 claims for damages for kilUng American citizens, 
have been filed with that department in 48 of which the amount of 
damages is set forth and the total amomit of damage in said 48 cases 
is $2,317,375. 

A simple calculation will show that the average amomit of damage 
claimed m each case would approximate S50,000. 

Under a joint resolution of Congress, approved August 9, 1912, a 
committee of United States Army officers was appointed to ascertain 
and report among other things the amount of damages for the killing 
of Americans on American soil by firing across the international line 
at Douglas, Ariz., and El Paso, Tex., in April and May, 1911. 

Among those claiming damages were many who were not American 
citizens and many of the claims were for persbnal injuries not result- 
ing in death. 

Of the three American citizens killed, claims of whose heirs were 
proved up, were those of Celia Griffiths, for death of husband; A. R. 
Chandler, for death of son ; and Joseph W. Harrington, for death of 
brother. 

In the Griffiths case the commission assessed the damages at 
$15,000. One of the commissioners, however, recommended the 
amount of $32,000. 

In the Chandler case the commission recommended $12,000, one of 
the members recommending $22,000. 

In the Harrington case the commission recommended $15,000, one 
of the members recommending $25,000. 

It may be interesting to note here that concerning the cases just 
referred to the Government of the United States declined to make 
diplomatic representations or other demands for the payment of 
damages, but did notify the claimants that their claims might be filed 
with the State Department or ainbassador in Mexico City, who would 
transmit them to the foreign office in Mexico City to be dealt with 
as the Mexicans saw fit, at least for the time being. 

Claimants were later notified that Mexico had appointed a consul, 
a Mr. Llorente, and a counsel, Mr. Richardson, to consider these 
claims at El Paso, Tex., and Douglas, Ariz., and that such claim.ants 
might present their claims, if they so desired, at such points. 

That claimants did submit their claims to the parties mentioned, 
although doing so under strong protest filed with our State Depart- 
ment. 

The result was, in the Griffiths case, for example, that the consul, 
Llorente, announced that Mexico would recommend damage in the 
amount of $2,000 and no more; that his reason for figuring this sum 
was the precedent established by the United States in the case of a 
Mexican killed while fleeing from an officer who had him under arrest 
on American soil, with proper warrant charging him with a felony 
and who, in the endeavor to recapture his escaped prisoner, was com- 
pelled to kni liim. Claimants were politely informed that no more 
would be paid for an innocent American going about his business in 
the streets of his own city on American soil than had been received by 
Mexico for the death of a Mexican criminal fleeing from an officer who 
had arrested him. 



12 AFFAIRS 12^ MEXICO. 

It may also be interesting to note that neither Mr. Llorente nor the 
Mexican Government ever offered to pay the sum of $2,000 for the 
death of Griffiths. 

Very recently the Congress of the United States has appropriated 
the sum of $71,000 for the payment of injury and death claims as 
assessed by this commission and the amounts so appropriated have 
been distributed to the proper parties. 

Thus by the action ol this commission in two cases $15,000 was 
assessed in each for death, and $12,000 in the thnd, or an average of 
$14,000. However, sums of $22,000, $25,000, and $32,000 were 
recommended by some members of the commission, or an average 
of $26,500 in each case. 

To your committee it would appear that the maximum amount 
payable under any circumstances should be accorded the heirs and 
representatives of those Americans residing or being in Mexico con- 
ducting themselves as peaceful, law-abiding citizens, who without 
provocation or cause were murdered. 

, Thus the committee feel justified in stating that the aggregate 
amount of damage for the death of Americans, both those in Mexico 
and those who lost their lives on American soil under the circumstances 
described, should be in each case not less than $25,000, or a total of 
$14,675,000. 

DAMAGES FOR PERSONAL INJURIES. 

It will be discovered by reference to page .90, containing the data 
furnished by the State Department, that 97 claims in which damages 
have been fixed are on fLle with that department and that the total 
of such damages claimed is $1,476,629, or an average of approximately 
$17,000 in each case. 

None of these personal injury cases have been paid except hj the 
United States Government through the appropriation oi $71,000 
above referred to and with the fiu"ther exception of one claim which 
was sued upon and paid in the amount of $4,000 by the Mexican 
consul, the attorney for the claimant in this case being at that time 
an assistant United States district attorney. 

In so far as the committee is informed no death claim has been paid 
nor presented by this Government with demand for payment except the 

Claim of the Heirs of John B. MacManus, Presented by 
William J. Bryan and Paid by Pancho Villa and Zapata 
While in Power in Mexico City. 

not purpose of committee to detail individual horrors. 

It is not the purpose of this committee to recite mdividual cases 
of outrage nor through any other method to attempt to arouse the 
passion of the American people, but we suggest that in the quiet and 
peace of their own domicile members of the committee and others 
should take part 7, page 956, and read the story of Mrs. Susan Moore 
and her experience at Columbus, N. Mex. 

Here this fine American woman, her house raided at night by the 
Villa bandits, was held by two of them and surrounded by a mob of 



ATFAIRS IN MEXICO. 13 

jeering;, yelling villains while she saw her husband shot to death in 
her presence and within 3 feet of her person^ her rings torn from her 
fingers and herself wounded. 

Read the testimony of Miss Anita Whatley (part 8, p. 1083), a 
delicate little American girl helping to support her invalid father 
and family, dragged from her bed in the city of Parral in the dead 
hours of night and threatened with death unless she disclosed the 
hiding place of money; carried to the street and surrounded by brutes, 
one of whom sawed at her tdes in the endeavor to compel her to dis- 
close where the money was. Identifying the leader of the band, she 
says he was turned loose without any punishment. She remained 
in Mexico only to witness the loss of everything which represented 
the savings of her family, soijie of whom she is now attempting to 
support through a position which she holds with the department of 
education of the State of Texas. 

Read the testimony of Mrs. Sturgis, to be found in part 7, page 
919 of the record, and imagine how you would feel were this one of 
the women of your family who endured the dreadful experiences 
related in this simple tale. 

Read the experience of Mrs. James Carney, part 10, page 1506, 
and picture to yourself a little woman accustomed to all the luxury 
which wealth might give her and later to the comforts of the salary 
earned by her husband as superintendent of large constructions at 
Durango; she now earning a living for herself delivering messages for 
the Western Union Telegraph Co. on the streets of El Paso, Tex., 
while her husband is among those who have disappeared from off the 
face of the earth and nothing known of the circumstances except 
that he left Durango, with other Americans, in attempting to make 
his escape from the bandits by endeavoring to reach the coast, 150 
kilometers distant. 

Now, remember that for years American Army and American 
officers have been placed along the border under strict orders to 
prevent any American going across the line into Mexico with arms 
of any character, and picture to yourseK the following occurrences : 

A brilliantly lighted banquet hall in a great hotel in the city of 
El Paso, Tex. ; an assembly of gentlemen met to do honor to a great 
Mexican hero, Gen. Alvaro Obregon; compliments exchanged and 
assurances of renewed esteem and affection given; among the guests 
several mining men, including Charles R. Watson, superintendent of 
the Cusi Mining Co., who is desirous of returning to Chihuahua to 
reopen his mmes. 

Gen. Obregon urged Americans to go back and "gave the Americans 
very wa,rm invitations to return to Mexico and open their industries 
there, stating that it was necessary for the peace of the country that 
w-orkmen be given work'' and he "reiterated a number of times the 
invitation that Americans go and open up mines, smelters, and other 
interests." 

Then follow Watson and his 16 companions as they seek assurances 
of protection from their own Government and secure "salvo con- 



14 AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 

ductos/' or safe conducts, from the Mexican authorities. They pro- 
ceed to Chihuahua where, upon the insistence of some of the members 
of the expedition, an armed guard is requested of the commanding 
general, who informs them that 1,000 soldiers have been sent out 
ahead and that there is no possibility of danger. 

Of course, they are not armed, because their country would not 
allow them, even if the Mexicans permitted it, to carry arms into 
Mexico. 

Their train is stopped within a few miles of Chihuahua and these 
men are slaughtered like cattle and their naked bodies placed upon 
or strewn along the railroad right of way for American friends to seek 
out and identify a few days later. 

Then to see what one American citizen not compelled to trust to 
the protection of his country nor to that of Mexicans, but relying 
upon himseK can do, read the story of the fight at Brite's ranch on 
Christmas Eve, 1917. 

See an old Texas ranger and a grandfather with his wife and 
daughters preparing a Christmas tree for his grandchildren; see the 
old frontiersman next morning attacked by Mexican bandits, first 
outside the house, with his Winchester killing two officers, and then 
with the assistance of his son, armed only with a shotgun loaded 
with bu"d shot, account for five more Mexicans and compel them to 
sue for terms of peace that they might escape his deadly fire and 
return without further fatahties to the Mexican side of the river. 

QUANTITY OF DAMAGES SUFFERED ON ACCOUNT OF THE 
DESTRUCTION, CONFISCATION, AND LARCENY OF PERSONAL 
PROPERTY AND THE CONFISCATION AND DEPRIVATION OF 
THE USE OF LANDS AND THE DESTRUCTION OF IMPROVEMENTS 
THEREON. 

Before endeavoring to answer the above question it will be well 
enough to review as briefly as possible, the activities of Americans 
in the Republic of Mexico prior to the year 1910, from such official 
and other data as the committee have been able to secure upon the 
subject. 

The great period of development in Mexico began with the years 
1880-1882, and the period of American investment might be said to 
date subsequent to the year 1885. 

In 1902 Consul General Andrew D. Barlow made a report to the 
State Department, in which among other things he said: 

Five hundred million dollars gold is, in round figures, the amount of American 
capital invested in Mexico by 1,117 American companies, firms and individuals. 

This amount has practically all been invested in the past quarter of a century, and 
about one-half of it has been invested withia the past five years. 

The impetus given to Mexico's industries by this enormous augmentation of the 
Nation's working capital accounts in no small degi'ee for the great industrial progress 
which it has made during the past 25 years. With Mexico buying 56 per cent of all 
her imports from the United States and selling 80 per cent of all her exports to the 
United States, and with this enormous investment of American capital in Mexico, 
the cormnercial bond between the sister Republics is one that can hardly be broken. 
It is one, too, that is constantly growing in strength. The flow of American capital 
into this Republic has apparently only begun. Each year, Mexico buys niore from, 
and sells more to, the United States. The community of interest is growing daily,, 
and certainly makes for harmony between the two nations. 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 15 

Gen. Barlow states that he was assisted in making his report by 
38 consular officers of the United States in Mexico outside of the 
city; by 5 consular officers of Great Britain, and 5 consular officers of 
Germany in places where the United States had no consular repre- 
sentatives, and by a score of well informed individuals throughout 
the Republic. 

Among other things it appears from this report that about 70 
per cent of the total American investment of Mexico is in railroads. 

He states that all of the important railroads in Mexico with the 
exception of the Interoceanic, running between Mexico City and 
Vera Cruz ; the Mexican Railway, also running between the City of 
Mexico and Vera Cruz which is controlled by English capital; and 
the National Tehuantepec Railway, then under reconstruction by 
S. Pearson & Son, were owned by American capital. 

He calls attention to the fact that $158,999,979-45 represents the 
amount which had actually been paid out up to date of his report, 
for the construction and equipment of the Mexican Central Railroad 
alone, and this by American capital. 

He reports that in haciendas, ranches, and farms American capital 
was then invested to the extent of $28,000,000. 

That $80,000,000 of American money was invested in mines. 

That the fourth heaviest investment of American capital was then 
in manufactories and foundries. 

Next in importance was the investment in banks, trust companies, 
investment companies, and money exchanges. 

Next in order came assay offices, chemical laboratories, ore buyers, 
ore testers, smelters, and refiners. 

He calls attention to the fact that all of Mexico's large smelters are 
operated by American capital. 

He states that Americans have "of late" been building many 
electric light and power plants, gas plants, waterworks plants, 
telephone systems, and similar plants. 

Gen. Barlow goes fully into the investments in the different States 
of the Republic, and his report is a very interesting one. It may be 
found commencing on page 433, Commercial Relations of the United 
States, volume 1, 1902. 

At about the date of the outbreak of the Madero revolution a state- 
ment of the wealth of Mexico and the ownership of property therein 
was prepared by Marion Letcher, ' American consul at Chihuahua, 
and filed with our State Department. This statement was known 
to Mr. Letcher and is well known to others not to be correct, but will 
give some idea of the situation, and it is mainly correct as to per- 
centages: 



16 



AFFAIRS Iisr MEXICO. 

Valuations. " ["^HO -ll 



Class. 



American. 



English. 



French. 



Mexican. 



All other. 



. Railway stocks 

Railway bonds .'. 

Bank stocks 

. Bank deposits 

iiines 

Smelters 

National bonds 

Timberlands 

Ranches 

Farms 

lyive stock 

Houses and personal. 

Cotton mills 

Soap factories ; 

Tobacco factories 

Breweries 

Factories 

Public utilities , 

Stores: 

Wholesale , 

Retail 

Oil business , 

Rubber industry 

Professional 

Insurance 

Theaters 

Hotels 

Institutions 



S235, 

408, 

7, 

22, 

223, 

26, 

52, 



464,000 
926,000 
850, 000 
700, 000 
000,000 
500, 000 
000, 000 
100,000 
150, 000 
960,000 
000,000 
500,000 



$81, 237, 800 

87,680,000 

5,000,000 



$17,000,000 
31,000,000 



1,200,000 



43,600,000 


5,000,000 


67,000,000 
10,300,000 


60,000,000 


2,700,000 
760, 000 










680, 000 




450,000 


19,000,000 



600, 000 
, 600, 000 
760, 000 

,700,000 
, 780, 000 
,000,000 
,000,000 
, 600, 000 
,000,000 
20, 000 
260,000 
,200,000 



3,238,000 
178, 000 



2,780,000 
8,000,000 

110,000 

30, 000 

10,000,000 



7,000,000 
680,000 



850,000 



125,000 



350, 000 



$125,440,000 

12,275,000 

31,950,000 

161,963,042 

7,500,000 

7,200,000 

21,000,000 

5,600,000 

14,000,000 

47,000,000 

47, 450, 000 

127,020,000 

6,000,000 

2,780,000 

4, 712, 000 

2, 822, 000 

3,270,200 

5,155,000 

2, 800, 000 

71, 235, 000 

650, 000 

4,500,000 

1,560,000 

2, 000, 000 

1,575,000 

1,730,000 

74, 000, 000 



$75,000 
38,535,380 
3,250,000 
18,560,000 
7, 830, 000 
3,000,000 



750,000 



1,250,000 
3,800,000 
2,760,000 
4,750,000 
3, 600, 000 

895,000 
1,250,000 
3,000,000 

275, 000 

14,270,000 
2,175,000 



2,500,000 

1, 100, 000 

3, 500, 000 

500, 000 

710, 000 

200, 000 



Total. 



1,057,770,000 



321,302,800 



143,446,000 



792,187,242 



118, 535, 380 



Note. — From the testimony taken and other evidence in the possession of the committee, the committee 
reports that the total amount of American investments in Mexico in 1911 were more nearly $1,500,000,000 
than the total set forth in the column above, $1,057,770,000. 

TOTAL WEALTH AND APPROXIMATE PROPORTIONS, AMERICAN, 

BRITISH, MEXICAN. 

The total wealth of Mexico as it appears in this table was 
$2,434,241,422, of which Americans owned $1,057,770,000; English, 
$321,302,800; and the Mexicans, $793,187,242. The figures given in 
the table as to British ownership should, from the best information 
in my possession, be increased from $321,000,000 to at least 
$800,000,000. The figures for American investment in mines should 
be increased very largely. 

Mexican, largely in lands, town lots, etc. — Of the Mexican owner- 
ship over one-half was in lands, town lots, bank deposits, and bank 
stocks. 

American investments are in tax-paying, labor-employing operor' 
tions. — American investments in individual gigriculture holdings are 
hereinafter set forth. The balance of the American investments 
was in railroads, mines, factories, oil, rubber, and property of this 
class, i. e., producing and labor-employing, tax-paying business — 
with tile exception of about $50,000,000 in national bonds. 

The Americans owned 78 per cent of the mines, 72 per cent of the 
smelters, 58 per cent of the oil, 68 per cent of the rubber business. 

Railroads— American and English capital — Eighty-eight per cent are 
railroads.— The total railroad mileage was about 16,000 miles, in 
which American and English capital was invested (to extent about 
88 per cent) and which their capitalists had constructed to that 
extent. 

The Letcher table shows only an investment of about $3,150,000 in 
ranches and about $13,000,000 in timberlands, farms, houses and lots, 
and personal property. 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 17 

This statement is entirely incorrect as specific testimony before 
tMs committee shows that more than 3,000 American famihes of an 
average of five persons each owned their own homes either in colo- 
nies or in separate locations, all of whom were engaged in agriculture 
and that the actual average loss to such families has been approxi- 
mately $10,000 each, or a total in this one item of $30,000,000, not 
taking_ into consideration the value of the land nor of the houses and 
other improvements which could not or have not been destroyed. 

In this connection we are not considering the very large amounts 
invested in cattle ranches devoted purely to stock raising, nor in 
estimating this loss have we included the loss upon rubber, coffee, 
sugar, and other like large plantations. 

ADDITIONAL LOSSES IN RAILROADS, ETC. 

The testimony will show that in addition to the $30,000,000 lost by 
these smaller agriculturists who have been driven out of Mexico and 
a comparatively few of whom have been able to return, the loss to 
the national railroads of Mexico have been, at a conservative esti- 
mate, $80,000,000 through destruction not only of rolling stock but 
through the destruction of the actual corpus of the property itself by 
the burning of the bridges, destruction of railroad stations, sidings, 
etc., the tearing up of steel and burning it, so that when straightened 
for temporary use it is unsafe for traffic. 

The total mileage of the railroads in Mexico in 1910-11 was approxi- 
mately 24,600 kilometers, of which a little less than 14,000 kilometers 
is included in the national roads, as to the loss upon which direct tes- 
timony was given, showing as just stated, damage to the amount 
of $80,000,000.' Other testimony shows that the remaining 10,000 
kilometers not known as the national roads have suffered at least 
an equal amount of damage per kilometer; that is to say, approxi- 
mately $60,000,000 to such roads, or a total of railroad loss alone 
in the amount of $140,000,000; that is to say, that it would require 
at least $140,000,000 now fco place the twenty-four thousand plus 
kilometers of railways in Mexico in the condition in which they were 
found in 1910-11. 

DAMAGES TO OIL AND MINING COMPANIES ONLY ESTIMATED. 

In so far as the testimony adduced before the committee is con- 
cerned, we have little or none and have sought none concerning the 
actual loss to oil companies through confiscation of their properties ; 
through damage to their business; through destruction of their wells 
and consequent loss of oil, nor upon any other account whatsoever; 
except that the testimony shows the cash loss to pay rolls and by 
virtue of robberies of actual cash to these companies within the last 
few years, has amounted to more than $233,833. 

The mining companies, in so far as the committee knows, have 
made no claims for damages through the State Department and few 
of their representatives have come before the committee except as 
upon page 1429, part 9, testified to. 

Through other evidence the committee has knowledge not only of 
the closing down of producing mines due to revolutionary acts and 

S. Kept. 645, 66-2 2 



18 AFFAIRS I^iT MEXICO. 

inability to get supplies, etc., but of the further fact that smelters,, 
reduction works, improvements upon and around mines, mining 
machinery of all classes, etc., have been destroyed all over the 
Republic. 

The closing down of an operating mine means not only loss of time 
and interest upon the investment, but aside from any actual destruc- 
tion by vandalism means the filling of shafts with water, the caving 
in of underground works, decay of mine timbers, etc. 

The committee are privately informed by one of the officials of a 
great American company engaged in mining and other development 
of like character in Mexico, that its losses have amounted to approxi- 
mately $25,000,000 during the last 10 years. 

Another mining company in which more than 8,000 Americans are 
interested, has, we are informed, paid out approximately $1,500,000 
in blackmail or bribes to prevent destruction of millions of dollars 
worth of property invested in improvements, etc., in connection with 
its work. 

DAMAGES OTHER PROPERTY. 

Power lines have been cut; power plants destroyed; irrigation 
works dynamited; canals cut; factories burned; railroad and mining 
contractors and subcontractors' supplies, tools, stock, and equip- 
ment, etc., destroyed; banks, trust companies, investment com- 
panies, money exchanges, etc., looted of cash and put out of business; 
brokers, commission men, general agents, dentists, wholesale and 
retail merchants have lost their investments and as well their books 
of trade, implements of their profession, their stocks of merchandise, 
etc. 

Those who have attempted to continue business by going back to 
their locations when temporary peace appeared to justify their 
return, have been held up and compelled to jpay blackmail to every 
new bandit and tribute to every old one in their community. 

The committee, however, have been particularly interested in and 
have largely confined their investigation to the losses of the indi- 
vidual Ajnerican, which losses, in proportion to those of the large 
corporations or large capitalists, have been as 100 to 1. 

The larger corporations, as sho^vn by the evidence in the case, 
have been able, through the employment of Mexican officials, to 
secure even the use of an army for the protection of their properties, 
while the individuals or colonists located in an outlying district 
have been compelled to lose a life's savings and to witness the murder 
or outrage of their friends or their famihes. 

Oil companies have been obliged to pay to Candido Aguilar, son- 
in-law of Carranza, first, ransom or blackmail or exactions for the 
protection of their properties, and when he was driven off have, 
through payments to Pelaez amounting to $30,000 per month, been 
able to secure his protection against other bands as well as against 
Carranza. 

American railroad conductors; firemen; locomotive engineers; 
brakemen and other railroad employees, in one instance alone to 
the number of 500, have been run out of Mexico never to return, 
with the total loss of all they might have invested in their homes in. 
Guadalajara or elsewhere. 




lloirt. MO, 00--. ,To taco i„,eo IS.) 



AFFAIES IN MEXICO. 19 

COEPOEATIONS PAYING FOR PROTECTION TO PROPERTY NOT ALWAYS 
ABLE TO SECURE SAME FOR THEIR EMPLOYEES. 

-Individuals in tlie employ of corporations have been robbed, mis- 
treated, and murdered "because protection extended to the corpora- 
tion property proper was by the bandits not always extended to the 
individual in the employ of the corporation; and this notwithstanding 
the established fact that our corporations have done everything in 
their power to protect their employees, and to ransom them when 
seized by bandits. 

MEXICAN PROPAGANDA. 

Carranza propagandists in this country have filled the papers with 
attacks upon "predatory interests" who were seeking intervention in 
Alexico for selfish purposes. 

Churches have resounded with denunciation from the pulpits of 
the same "predatory interests" who — 

Desired to have not only the treasure of the United States poured out, but the blood 
of its sons spilled for the protection and accretion of their ill-gotten "dirty dollars" 
in the Republic of Mexico. 

THIS COMMITTEE PRESENTS CASE OF INDIVIDUAL AMERICAN. 

Where has the voice been lifted in behalf of the common, every day, 
homemaking, honest, industrious American with his family, teach- 
ing the Mexican modern methods of agricultm'e and handicraft, who 
has, while tied to a tree, seen his daughter raped and his wife dis- 
emboweled in his presence ? 

The country and the Congress of the United States having heard 
from those American interests who have been able to secure a hear- 
ing through the press and having heard from those good friends of 
Carranza who have been conscientiously or unconscientiously, sin- 
cerely or hypocritically, directing his propaganda and assisting m 
tbe expenditure of his funds set aside for propaganda purposes, 
this committee determined to present, as it is endeavormg to present, 
t] e case of the mdividual American who has received no protection 
fi >m his Government and only through this medium can make his 
loss and his sufferings known to the public. 

The summary of losses under this heading may be found by refer- 
ence to page 89 of this report. The total thereof, as foimd in the 
evidence, is $50,481,133. (See p. 89, summary total losses.) 

NATURE AND AMOUNT OF PRESENT HOLDINGS AND PROPERTIES 
IN MEXICO OF CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The nature and amount of the present holdings of American 
citizens in Mexico can only be ascertained by reference to the facts 
hereinbefore submitted and by deducting the losses herein set forth, 
except in that, under the Mexican mining law, taxes upon mining 

Eroperty are payable every three months and same must be paid 
y the owner or his attorney in fact, in person, either in the City of 
Mexico or in the headquarters of the district in which his mine is 
situated. 



20 AFFAIRS Ilf MEXICO. 

Failing payment of such taxes within three months after same 
are due, title to the property is forfeited and anyone else whoso- 
ever can relocate same and take it over, together with any improve- 
ments of whatever kind or character attached to any portion of the 
property, including, of course, all development work, etc. 

The law as to real estate in the different States provides also for 
the forfeiture of property for nonpayment of taxes. 

The person who, or corporation which, has been able to secure an 
attorney, could change him whenever the Government changed, or 
secure a new attorney with every change of Government and thus 
have re-presentation before the tax office, and being financially able 
to make the payments have been able to prevent legal forfeiture. 

The individual prospector and small mme owner, living himself 

Erobably upon his mme in an inaccessible district in Mexico, if he 
ved to reach the coast or. border, has been compelled to leave 
Mexico and lose his life's savings and work invested in his property-, 
not having the money with which to employ an attorney on the 
ground; and not able to pay over and over, again and again, the 
amoiuit of taxes claimed to be due as the tax collector came in or 
faded out of office every few days, has lost forever the title to his 
property. 

Of course, it may be possible that if the American lives long enough 
to see some responsible government estabfished in Mexico and to see 
an administration here in power which will endeavor to assist m 
enforcing his legal claims, some of these forfeitures may be set aside. 
Of course, if the real estate owner enjoys the same good fortune, 
he may, before the weight of years has bowed his head too .low — or 
possibly some heir to his misfortmies may — ^regain right to the pos- 
session of what was once an orange grove or a beautiful wheat field^ — 
not recognizable now because the orange trees have been chopped 
and burned, and its location, as well as that of the wheat field, grown 
up in cactus, cat claw, and mesquite. 



GENEEALIY ANY AND All ACTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF 
MEXICO AND ITS CITIZENS IN DEROGATION OF THE EIGHTS 
OF THE UNITED STATES OR OF ITS CITIZENS. 

In considering the above question it is necessary to separate the 
propositions and discuss the same under different heads: 

First. The acts of the citizens of Mexico in "derogation" of the 
rights of citizens of the United States. 

Second. The acts of the Mexican Government in "derogation" of 
the rights of American citizens. 

Third. The acts of the Mexican Government in "derogation" of 
the rights of the Government of the United States. 

Fourth. Where the fault lies, i. e. , whether with the Mexican people 
or the Mexican Government, or with the American people or their 
Government, or with both the Mexican people and their Government 
and the American people and their Government, or either. 

THE PEOPLE OF MEXICO AND THELB GOVERNMENT. 

We must first have a background before the detail of the picture 
can be made to stand out clearly. 

Mexico is an Indian empire and not properly a Latin American 
country — although the Spanish, in one form or another, is the com- 
mon language. 

We are attaching hereto a copy of the "Orozco y Berra Tribal 
(Indian) map of Mexico." 

At first view this map would appear as though it were simply a 
map of the present political subdivisions of the so-caUed Mexican 
Republic. Closer inspection will show that it is intended to repre- 
sent the territor)^ of separate and distinct Indian families, with the 
name of each in Spanish, given in the proper geographical location. 

Now, imagine a greater or lesser percentage of foreign blood, prin- 
cipally Spanish, mixed with this original 57 varieties of Indian blood, 
the Spanish blood not being renewed or restrengthened, but growing 
weaker from generation to generation, and one may dimly perceive 
the outlines of the racial problems of Mexico. 

We urge you to read the following from "Mexico in 1827" by H. 
G. Ward, charge d'affaires Great Britain in Mexico, 1825-1827; two 
volumes, London, 1828 (pp. 28 et seq.). 

Before the revoluti:)n this pipiilation was di^dded into seven distinct castes. 

1. The old Spaniards, d ^signated as Gachupines, in the history of the ci-\il wars. 

2. The Creoles, or wliites oi pure European race, born in America, and regarded 
by the old Spaniards as nati"\-es. 

3. The Indians, or indigenous copper-colored race. 

4. The Mestizos, or mixed breed of whites and Indians, gradually merging into 
Creoles, as the cross ■m.th. the Indian race became more remote. 

21 



22 AEFAIES IN MEXICO. ' 

5. The mulattoes, or descendants of whites and Negroes. 

6. The Zambos, or Chinos, descendants of Negroes and Indians. 

7. The African Negroes, either manumitted or slaves. 

Of these castes, the three first and the last were pure, and gave rise, in their various 
combinations, to the others; which again were subdivided, ad infinitum, by names 
expressing the relation borne by each generation of its descendants to the white 
(quarteroons, quinteroons, etc.^i, to which, as the ruling color, any approximation was 
desirable. 

The principal seat of the wliite population of ]\Iexico is the table land, toward the 
center of which the Indian race is likewise concentrated (in the intend ancies of I^a 
Puebla, Mexico, Guanajuato, Oaxaca, and Valladolid) while the northern frontier 
is inhabited almost entirely by whites, and descendants' of wMtes, before whom it is 
supposed that the Indian population must have retired, at the time of the' conquest.. 
In Durango, N. Mex., and the provincias intemas, the pure Indian breed is almost 
unknown; in Sonora it is again found, because the conquerors there overtook the last 
tribes of the original inhabitants, who had not yet placed the River Gila (lat. 33 N.) 
between themselves and the Spanish arms. The coasts are inhabited , both to the east 
and west, b j^ mulattoes and Zambos, or at least, by a race in which a mixtiu'e of African 
blood prevails. It was in these unhealthy regions that the slaves formerly imported 
into Mexico were principally employed, the natives of the table land being unable 
to resist the extreme heat of the climate. 

They have multiplied there in an extraordinary manner, by interm.arriage with the 
Indian race, and now form a mixed breed, admirably adapted to the tierra caliente, 
but not possessing, in appearance, the characteristics either of the New World, or of 
the Old. 

The Mestizos (descendants of natives and Indians) are found in every part of the 
countrj'; indeed, from the very small number of Spanish women who at first visited 
the New World, the great mass of the population has some mixtiu^e of Indian blood. 
Few of the middle classes (the lawyers, the Curas, or parochial clergy, the artisans, 
the smaller landed proprietors, and the soldiers) could prove themselves exempt 
from it ; and now that a connection with the aborigines has ceased to be disadvantageous 
few attempt to deny it. In my sketch of the revolution, I always include this class 
under the denomination of Creoles; as sharing with the whites of pure Spanish descent 
the disadvantages of that privation of political rights, to wliich all natives were con- 
demned, and feeling, in common vnth them, that enmity to the Gachupines (or old 
Spaniards) which the preference constantly accorded to them could not fail to excite. 

Next to the pure Indians, whose number in 1803, was supposed to exceed two mil- 
lions and a half, the Mestizos are the most numerous caste; it is, however, impossible 
to ascertain, the exact proportion which they bear to the whole population, many of 
them being, as I have already stated, included amongst the pure whites, who were 
estimated, before the revolution, at 1,200,000, including from seventy to eighty 
thousand Europeans established in different parts of the country. 

Of the mulattos, Zambos, and other mixed breeds, nothing certain is known. 

It will be seen by this sketch that the population of New Spain is composed of very 
heterogeneous elements; indeed, the numberless shades of difference which exist 
amongst its inhabitants are not yet by any means correctly ascertained. 

The Indians, for instance, who appear at first sight to form one great mass, com- 
prising nearly two-fifths of the whole population, are divided and subdivided amongst 
themselves, in the most extraordinary manner. 

They consist of various tribes, resembhng each other in color and in some general 
characteristics, which seem to announce a common origin, but differing entirely in 
language, custom, and dress. No less than 20 different languages are known to be 
spoken in the Mexican territory, and many of these are not dialects, which may be 
traced to the same root, but differ as entii'ely as languages of Slavonic and Teutonic 
origin in Europe. Some possess letters which do not exist in others, and in most there 
is a difference of soimd, which strikes even the most un practiced ear. The low, 
guttinal pronunciation of the Mexican or Aztec contrasts singularly with the sonorous 
Otomi,! which prevails in the neighboring State of Valladolid, and this again is said 
to be totally unlike the dialect of some of the northern tribes. There is not, perhaps, 
a question better worthy of the consideration of philosophers than the elucidation of 
this extraordinary anomaly in the history of the Indian race; nothing is known of the 
mode in which America was peopled, except the fact that the tide of population has 
set constantly from north to south. 



AFFAIES IK MEXICO. 23 

In Bulletin 44, United States Bureau of American Ethnology, 
'''Indian Languages of Mexcio and Central America," the map hereto 
attached is used as a basis, with the remark: 

For Mexico, Orozco y Berra's map and conclusions are used as a basis, and it will 
"be found, though the original authorities so far as accessible have been examined, 
that there has been occasion for but few and comparatively slight changes. 

An examination of the map accompanying this bulletin will show 
50 different distinct linguistic families of Indians, as established to 
the satisfaction of Thomas and Swanton, while perusal of the con- 
tents will disclose that approximately 20 to 30 more are in doubt as 
to whether they are distinct languages spoken by distinct and different 
races or tribes or whether they are mixtures of some of the other 
languages or offshoots or derivatives from same. 

The index of linguistic families, tribes and settlements number 
a-pproximately 850, as set forth on pages 101-108. 

It is not necessary to cite other authorities here, but one of the 
most interesting works upon the subject is "The History of Mexico" 
by Francisco B. Clavigero, in two volumes, published in London, 1777. 
(English translation by Charles CuUen.) 

Speaking generally, it is sufficient, as an illustration to call atten- 
tion in passing to the great distinctive difference between the original 
Indian tribes of Chihuahua and Sonora to the Concho River, with 
those of the west coast through the State of Sinaloa, and to the Indians 
of the east coast and those of central and southern Mexico. 

The Indians of the north and northwest were those of the Opata, 
Pima, ''Tarahumar" families; of the Yaqui, Mayo families, and were 
as different and distinct from the Mayas of the south, the Mexicans 
of the valley, and others of central and eastern Mexico in everything 
except color, as are Negroes from whites, or, at the very least, as 
are the Japanese from the Chinese. 

Very interesting testimony along this line has been offered by 
William Gates (part 19) and others. 

A comparison of the political map of Mexico showing the different 
subdivisions as recognized to-day, and of the racial-tribal map of 
Orozco y Berra, will at once prove interesting as establishing the 
fact that the political subdivisions, although differing greatly in 
some respects, yet, in general, have followed very nearly the racial- 
tribal geographical divisions as agreed upon by ethnologists, lin- 
guists, and historians. 

That this discussion is of more than general interest will be appre- 
ciated when present conditions in Mexico are considered and it is 
learned that the Army Intelligence Department of the United States 
War Department are constantly making such reports as of November 
8, 15, 22, 29, December 13, 1919, etc., setting out in detail information 
as to the movements of the Yaqui Indians of Sonora and Sinaloa. 

1 Wherever the Azteo tongue is in use the letter "r" is unknown, while in the Otomi dialect it occurs 
almost in every woiii . Thus we have Popocatepetl, Istaccihuatl, Tenochtitlan, and that unpronounce- 
able word given by Humboldt and signifying "venerable priest, whom I cherish as a father," Notlazoma- 
huizteopixcatatzin, all Aztec, and all without an "r;" while in Valladolid the prevailing names are Ocam- 
baro, Puruundiro, Zitacuaro, and Cinapecuaro, in all of which '-r" bears a prominent part. 



24 AFFAIRS I:N" MEXICO. 

By reference to these reports it may be seen that a large percent- 
age of the women and children of Yaquis are in the United States, 
and that on November 18 it was estimated that almost the entire 
force of 4,000 Yaqui Indians, reported at that date, might be con- 
verted into a fighting body if they possessed the necessary arms and 
ammunition. 

That they were a constant menace to the Mexican Federal forces, 
who were concentrating around Nacozari, Moctezuma, and other 
places. 

That atleast 400 Yaquis were scattered in smaU bands in the neigh- 
borhood of these last-mentioned places. 

That approximately 800 were under arms near Esperanza. 

That it is necessary to carry heavier train guards on the Southern 
Pacific from Esperanza to Guaymas. 

That altogether there were over 2,000 armed Yaquis in the State. 

That in the latter part of November the Federal Government 
moved between 1,000 and 1,500 Federal Yaqui soldiers out of the 
State fearing they would join their tribesmen in attacks upon Fed- 
eral forces. 

That Mayo Indian soldiers were sent in to take the place of their 
cousins, the Yaquis, but that little confidence could be placed upon 
them in a campaign against the Yaquis. 

That the Yaquis were constantly passing from the United States 
into Mexico with ammunition purchased at the various , mining camps 
where they had been at work. 

That Federal forces in the State on November 22 were inadequate 
to cope \\iih the situation. 

That on December 13 a large body of several hundred were said to 
be a short distance south of the international fine and east of Nogales, 
while another large body was reported near Ajo, Ariz., both believed 
to be anxious to get into the United States for the purpose of securing 
ammunition, etc. 

That for the first time in the history of Sonora Yaquis, as reported 
on November 29, had invaded the territory east of the Bavispe River 
in northeast Sonora. 

That southwest of La Colorada region 500 Yaquis, under Chief 
Mori, were on the same date killing and robbing everywhere. 

That Buenavista, formerly Sonoran capital; Cumaripa, Realito, and 
most of La Dura were on November 29 deserted and in ashes. 

And most significant is the statement of November 22, and the 
statement of December 13, the former — 

That the Yaquis seldom bother Americans when they can be dis- 
tinguished from Mexicans, and the latter — 

That since tlie increase of intervention talk, many Yaquis, well acquainted with 
Americans, have reiterated previous statements to the effect that, in the event of 
intervention, they may be counted on as friends of the United States; that, upon 
due official notice of intervention, they would lend the invading troops any assistance 
of which they were capable. They intimate that all they would ask in return for 
this assistance would be reasonable recognition of their claims to the Yaqui Valley 
territory and freedom from persecution by the Mexicans. 



ATFAIKS IIT MEXICO. 2& 

YAQUI PRONTJNCIAMENTO. 

In the Army Intelligence daily report of May * * * 1920, is 
included as an appendix an appeal signed by Genls. Julian Cosari, 
Manuel Periac; First Capt. Victoriano Azul, Second Capt. Pipachola 
(chiefs of "bronco" Yaquis) to the townspeople of "Rio Chico" and 
"Moyas." 

This appeal recites among other things that "The Yaqui tribe 
informs you that" — 

"Poor descendants of our kindred tribes, the Pimas, the Papagoes, and the Opatas 
are miserable and afflicted, oppressed by the tyrannical Government which is com- 
pelling us to kill one another. * * * These are men without an atom of conscience 
or the laws of humanity * * * This tribe must remain in revolt. If you wish 
peace with us, we also wish peace with you. * * * Youmust not hm't the Yaquis; 
then the Yaquis will not injure anyone, and so peace and tranquility will reign." 

As long as the Government continiies selling our race * * ■- and insists upon 
withholding our lands, the struggle -R-ill continue relentless and bitter. The Govern- 
ment is to blame for the men who take us by force to war, and it must be punished. 
* * * We seek an agi-eement only with all the poor who live by their daily toil, 
here and oiitside the Government (as outlaws), formerly, in the time of Refugio 
Tanori, the leaders of the Pimas and Opatas in those times came, those people respected 
us and helped us to fight the invaders of oui' river as far as the Mayo River, and we 
did the same for them. Remembering these days, we invite you, if you so desire, 
to join with us, * * * and if you accept our humble proposition you will not need 
to flee when you see our people. * * * No confidence can be put in the Govern- 
ment, because the Government in the year 1916 past offered us peace and the restora- 
tion of our lands. We in all good faith believed that promise * * * and traveled 
to Lencho * * * and there we were awaiting the realization of this promise. 
"^Tiile we slept the Government fell upon our camp, killing cliildren, women, and 
old men. Such cruelty had never even been experienced in the time of Porfirio 
Diaz." 

The date of this occurrence was May 25, 1917, at 4 o'clock in the 
morning. 

" Now we are convinced that the Government has no word. * * * With such 
proofs, we care for no further arrangement with the Government, but with you, the 
poor of these towns, who always keep your word." 

And this is the period, November and December, 1919, when the 
press of Mexico and its able assistants in this country were proclaim- 
ing that peace and order and law and prosperity prevailed over 
Mexico, and that Carranza had "made good." 

SHORT SKETCH OF HISTORY OF MEXICO. 

With this preliminary sketch of the population of Mexico, let us. 
glance now at the history of that so-called Republic, or rather, at 
the chronological history of Mexico from the year 1810 down to the. 
present year. 

NORMAL MEXICO. 

1810: September 15. Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, 
together with Allende, Aldama, Abasolo, and other 
officers raised the "Grito," and proclaimed inde- 
pendence at Dolores, State of Guanajuato. 

1811: May 21. Hidalgo captured at Acatita de 
Berjan. July 31. Shot at Chihuahua. Jose Maria 
Morelos y Pavon, a priest, took up the work of 
Hidalgo; defeated the Spaniards in numerous en- 
gagements and made much headway against them, 
capturing various cities and overran a large portion 
of the country. 



26 AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 

1812: September 14. First Mexican Congress 
organized at Chilpancingo, State of Guerrero, with 
Morelos y Pa von as guiding spirit. 

November 6 . Declaration of independence issued 
and a constitution later adopted. 

1813: Revolution continued, but Morelos finally- 
captured. 

1814: Fighiting continues. 

1815: December 22. Morelos shot by Spaniards 
in the City of Mexico. 

1816 to 1821: Fighting continues with varjdng 
fortunes. Gens. Mina, Guerrero, and Bravo being 
the leading spirits among the revolutionists. 

1821: January 10. Guerrero, cliief of the revo- 
lutionary forces, and Gen. Agustin Iturbide, com- 
manding the royalist forces, had conference and 
joined forces. 

February 24. "Plan of Iguala" promulgated; 
Itiu'bide taking command of the joint forces and 
captuiing Morelia, Puebla, Qiieretaro, and other 
towns. 

September 27. Iturbide entered Mexico in tri- 
umph after treaty with viceroy Don Juan O'Donoju 
at Cordoba. A government was established con- 
sisting of a regency of three members with Iturbide 
as President. 

1822: February 24. Congress met in the City of 
Mexico and elected Iturbide Emperor of Mexico. 
He was crowned on July 21 in the cathedral, with 
the title "Agustin I. " 

December 22. Santa Anna raised revolt at Vera- 
cruz and declared a republic. Desperate inter- 
necine war ensued, followed by anarchy and deso- 
.lation, which, as historians say, continued for 50 
years (until the peiiod of Porfirio Diaz). 

1823: May. Emperor Iturbide abdicated after his 
armies were defeated. A provisional government 
was established. 

1824: Iturbide returned to Mexico, arrested, and 
on July 19 shot by order of the Tamaulipas Legis- 
lature, at the town of Padilla. 

October 10. Gen. Guadalupe Victoria (real name 
Fernandez) became President of Mexico with a 
constitution. Victoria was really Mexico's first 
President. 

1825: January 1. Congress met under the new 
constitution and England and th€ United States 
recognized the independence of Mexico. 

1828 to 1830: Continued conflicts and contests, 
Pedraza, Guerrero, and Bustamente each claiming 
to be _ President. Santa Anna most prominent 
> figure in all schemes and uprisings. 

1833 to 1835 : Ci\il war raged and anarchy reign- 
ing. 

1835: Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna be- 
came dictator and abolished the constitution. 

1936: Texas secedes and captures Santa Anna. 

1837: Santa Anna returned to Mexico and re- 
eiuned dictatorship. 

1839: Bravo became President. Civil war, ac- 
companied by anarchy. 

1841 to 1844: Santa Anna again dictator. 

1844: Santa Anna banished and Canalizo took his 
place. 

1845: Herrera became President. Revolutions 
continued . 



APFAIES IN MEXICO. 27 

1846: January 2. Paredes became President by- 
election of a Junta in Mexico City and left the gov- 
ernment in the hands of Gen. Bravo in July, -while 
he proceeded to lead the ai-my against the ITnited 
States. 

1846: July. Paredes and Bravo overthro-wn and 
Mariano Salas becomes President and the consti- 
tution of 1824 reestablished. 

1846: September 15. Santa Anna becomes Presi- 
dent. 

1847: War with the United States. Gomez 
Farias in charge of Government, Santa Anna lead- 
ing the army. Santa Anna resigned office. Gomez 
Farias appointed Pedro Anaya acting President and 
again headed the army against United States forces. 
After defeat at Cerro Gordo, Santa Anna resumed 
control, later resigning the Presidency, and was 
succeeded — 

1847: By Gen. Anaya, under election by Con- 
gress, holding office from November until 

1848: January. Manuel de la Pena y Pena, presi- 
dent of the supreme court, became President. 

1848: June 3. Gen. Jose Joaquin Herrera became 
President the second time. 

1848: Treaty of peace, etc., signed. California 
and Ne-w Mexico ceded to the United States, in 
payment Mexico recei-vLn^ $15,000,000. 

1850 to 1851: Gen. Mariano Arista elected Presi- 
dent and installed — 
1851: January 1. 

1852: Juan Bautista Ceballos becomes President 
by congressional election following the exit of 
Arista. Ceballos dissolves Congress and elected 
Juan Mugica y Osorio, who declined to qualify, and 
Ceballos resigned the Presidency; Manuel Maria 
Lombardini was seated as acting President. Lom- 
bardini called an election for the purposes and 

1853: April 15. Santa Anna again become Presi- 
dent. 

1853: Santa Anna, by proclamation, becomes 
perpetual dictator, December 16. Gen. Juan 
Alvarez immediately raised a revolution. Alvarez 
was a full-bl )od Indian and a patriot. The revolu- 
tion continued, and Santa Anna escaped, leaving — 
1855: August 9. A triumvirate government com- 
posed of the president of the supreme court and 
two generals. A few days later Gen. Romulo Diaz 
de la Vega became acting President by coup d'etat 
and consent of the governing triumvirate. 

1855: Gen. Martin Carrera became President, re- 
signing -within a month. 

1855: Gen. Diaz de la Vega again became Presi- 
dent. 

1855: November 1. Representatives convened in 
Cuernavaca and elected Gen . Juan Alvarez , who be- 
came President. Alvarez reached the capital -with 
a bodyguard of pure-blood Indians and retained 
them around him for protection. 

1855: December. Alvarez resigned and Comon- 
fort became President. 

1856: Rupture -with Spain. 

1857: February 5. Gen. Comonfort again elected 
and declared President. 

1857: December 11. Comonfort proclaimed him- 
self dictator. 



28 AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 

1858: Benito Juarez revolted. Revolution 
reigned supreme. 

1858 to 1859: Zuloaga overthrew Comonfort and 
became President. 

1858 to 1859: Miramon took Zuloaga' s place and 
became President. Miramon overthrown and Zu- 
loaga again became President. 

1858: Juarez Government recognized by the 
United States. ' ^ 

1860: Benito Juarez captures capital and declares 
himself President. 

1861: May. Benito Juarez elected and took office 
as constitutional President. 

1861: October. Treaty betn^een England, France, 
and Spain, known as the "Treaty of London," 
signed, under the provisions of which the three na- 
tions were to send naval and military forces to Mex- 
ico to seize ports and military positions on the coast, 
etc. The Government at Washington, being in- 
vitedto take part, positively declined on the ground 
that it would pursue its usual policy of refraining 
from alliances with foreign powers. 

1862: England and Spain withdrew their forces, 
but France continued the war. 

1863: The French captured the City of Mexico 
and Maximilian accepted the' offer of the Crown of 
Mexico. 

1864: June. Maximilian crowned Emperor at Mex- 
ico City. 

1865-1867: Juarez in revolution, but defeated on 
all sides. United States demanded the withdrawal 
of the French Army. 

1867 : Maximilian captured and shot at Queretaro 
by Juarez. 

1868: Juarez proclaimed himself President. 

1868-69: Revolutions followed pronunciamento 
by Santa Anna and others. 

1872: July 18. Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada suc- 
ceeded Juarez, who died. 

1873: New constitution adopted practically fol- 
lowing the constitution of 1857 . 

1873-1875: Revolutions in various parts of the 
country. 

1876: Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada overthrown. 

ABNORMAL MEXICO. 

1877: Gen. Poriirio Diaz became President. 

In 1905, or just shortly prior thereto, William Jennings Bryan,, 
recently Secretary of State of the United States, in a book published 
by him bearing the title Under Other Flags, page 202, referring 
to the administration of Porfirio Diaz, and to that great man, says: 

The third great man produced by the Mexican Republic is the president. With the 
exception of one term he has been president since 1876, during which time he has 
shown wonderful ability, and it is doubtful if there is in the world to-day a chief 
executive of greater relative progress than the Mexican people have made under the 
administration of Porfirio Diaz. 

Education has been promoted, law and order established, agriculture developed, 
commerce stimulated, and nearly every section of the country connected by railroad 
with the capital. While there are many able and strong men upon whom the mantle 
of President might worthily fall, he has been so remarkably successful and has such a 
hold upon all classes of people that he will doubtless remain at the head of the Govern- 
ment as long as he lives — the people would hardly consent to his withdrawal even if 
he desired to lay down the responsibilities of the position. 



AFFAIRS IX MEXICO. 29 

On pages 181-183 Mr. Bryan says: 

I found * * * Fifth. That President Diaz is entirely deserving of the encomiums 
Taestowed upon him by his own people, by resident Americans, and by visitors. He 
lias a genius for public affairs, understands the conditions and needs of his people, and 
has their confidence to a degree seldom enjoyed by an executive, either hereditary or 
elective. 

On page 184, referring to education, he says: 

"Mexico is making substantial progress in education. The public schools are free 
and attendance is compulsory. * * * in the State of Mexico the number of 
schools has increased more than 100 per cent within the last 10 years, and the number 
of i)upils in attendance shows an equal increase. * * * It was our good fortune to 
be in\ited to witness the distribution of prizes for the schools of the Federal district . 
Nothing impressed me more than the scene here presented. President Diaz delivered 
the awards to several hundred boys and girls. The Indian and the Spaniard, the rich 
and the poor, all mingle together in the public schools and ^ie with each other for^^he 
prizes. The State not only furnishes instruction in the elementary branches, but 
pro-\ddes industrial training for both boys and girls, normal schools for teachers, and 
professional schools for students of law and medicine . President Diaz recently quoted 
a remark l^y Von Moltke in praise of the German school-teacher and also pointed out 
the necessity for educated mothers. He recognizes, as did Jefferson, that popular 
education is vital in a republic, and largely through his efforts Mexico sees a yearly 
increase in the number of those who are capable of intelligent participation in 
government . ' ' 

We are constantly being informed by recognized prorevolutionists, 
or pro-Carranza propagandists, that Diaz did nothing for education 
and left his people in the ignorance which he apparently wished them 
to remain in, the inference being that so long as they were without 
education they would be subservient to his will. 

However mistaken Mr. Bryan may have been while Secretary of 
State, when endeavoring to deal, or to refrain from dealing with 
Mexico, statistics will prove the correctness of his statement made 
in 1905 as to education under Diaz. If the American people would 
think or read for themselves and refuse to permit ignorant or biased 
propagandists to misinform them, they would readily understand 
that tlie public-school system of Mexico was upon practically the 
same' basis as that of the United States and of the different States 
of this Union, to wit, the National Government in Mexico had nothing 
more to do -^dth the primary public schools in the States of Mexico 
than has the National Government of the United States at Washing- 
ton to do \vath the primary public schools of the States of this Union. 
The Central Government of Mexico under Diaz dealt directly mth 
the national schools, universities, etc., and dealt directly, more or 
less, with the schools in the territories and in the District of Mexico, 
which district corresponds exactly to our District of Columbia. The 
States each dealt with its own school problems and each established 
and maintained and assisted in maintaining not only the public 
schools in the pubhc-school districts throughout such State, but also 
the State normal, agricultural, and other institutions. As early as 
1865 colleges of law, medicme, and engineering were created in 
Mexico City and were successful from the beginning. Professional 
schools were also established in the more important provincial capi- 
tals. In 1874 there were 8,226 primary schools in Mexico, with an 
attendance of 360,000 pupils; 603 of these schools were supported 
by the National Government, 5,240 by municipalities, 2,260 by 
private enterprises, etc. The committee is here referring to an 
article in the Encyclopedia Britannica for the purpose of condensing 



30 AFFAIRS 11^ MEXICO. 

these statements. Reference to the testimony offered in this case 
will substantiate the statements contained in said articles, which, for 
the sake of brevity, we will further refer to. In 1889 recommenda- 
tions were made by the National Congress for public education and 
were followed by congressional action requiring free and compulsory 
education in the Federal district and national territory. On the 19th 
day of May, 1896, a general public educational law was promulgated 
which provided further regulations and outlined a comprehensive 
system. Compulsory attendance was a feature of this law of 1896. 
The law provides for uniform free and nonsectarian primary institu- 
tions with compulsory attendance of children 6 to 12 years of age; 
preparatory course for professional training in the Government 
schools were also made free. 

The State school system was gradually made to conform to this 
national system. In 1904 the number of public schools was returned 
at 9,194 with an enrollment of 620,476. Of these 6,488 were sup- 
ported by the National and State governments, and 2,706 b}'' the 
municipalities. The number of provincial, religious, etc., schools 
was 2,281, with 135,838 pupils. The secondary national and State 
schools number 36, with 4,642 pupils, and schools for professional 
instruction numbered 65, with 9,018 students, of whom 3,790 were 
women. Normal schools were also maintained at public expense. 
The Government maintained schools of law, medicine, agriculture 
and veterinary practice, engineering, mining, commercial and admin- 
istrative, music and fine arts, also a mechanic's training school for 
men and one for women and schools for the blind and deaf mutes, 
reform schools, and garrison schools for soldiers. The National 
Library of Mexico contained 250,000 volumes, and m 1904 there 
were 138 public libraries, 34 museums for scientific and similar pur- 
poses, and 11 meteorological observatories. Statistics with reference 
to matters of pubhc interest in Mexico are very meager. Bringing 
the matter down to date: Just prior to the revolution, it may be 
noted that in the State of Chihuahua alone there was a public school 
in session during the year 1909-10 in every school district in the entire 
State, including purely Indian districts. Out of a total population, 
including Indians, of approximately 327,000, more than 22,000 were 
in daily attendance upon these public schools which were supported 
by the State and local municipal governments; there were supported 
by the State of Chihuahua at this time two normal schools, and 
60 graduates of these schools were then in Europe at the State's 
expense taking postgraduate courses; that there were also two 
agricultural schools supported by the State; one or more schools 
of art and science; that in addition there were private schools con- 
ducted by protestants of different denominations, private schools of 
nonsectarian character, and one or two private schools conducted by 
Catholic sisters. As will be shown by the testimony of such witnesses 
as Mr. E. L. Doheny (pt. 1, p. 207), and many other witnesses, 
Porfirio Diaz was sincerely interested not only in the uphft and wel- 
fare of his people, but also in seeing education, and particularly 
technical education, spread among the inhabitants of the Republic of 
Mexico. 

Railroads. — Prior to 1878 there was a road constructed from the 
City of Mexico to Vera Cruz, and about that date 58 miles of branches 
from this road, a total of 321 miles of railroad in Mexico in operation 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 31 

prior to 1878. When Diaz went out in 1910-11 the railroad mileage 
of Mexico was more than 16,000 miles, and of this three-fifths or more 
belonged to, or was controlled by, the Mexican Government itself. 

In the last official report prior to the incumbency of De la Barra, 
the total mileage as shown was 14,857 miles with the Southern Pacific 
of Mexico and what is now the Mexico Northwestern system yet 
cons true tmg, bringing the mileage up to a little more tlian 16,000 
miles at about the date when Diaz was overthrown. In 1878, 
when Diaz was recognized by the United States, the only bank in 
Mexico was a branch of the Bank of London, Mexico and the South, 
known as the "Banco de Londres, Mexico y Sud America," and a 
small private bank in the city of Chihuahua, later merged into a 
State mstitution, but conducted in the year mentioned by the Mac- 
Manus family. In the j^ear 1909-10, prior to the overthi'ow of Diaz, 
the banks of issue of Mexico had assets of 736,191,398 pesos: They had 
a capital of 118,800,000 pesos and deposits of 71,910,424 pesos. 
Auxiliary banks had a capital of 47,800,000 pesos; assets, 128,375,032 
pesos; mortgage banks had a capital of 10,000,000 pesos; resources, 
51,934,102 pesos. 

In 1914, after Madero went out and before Carranza's recognition, 
the total capitalization and surplus of all banks was 205,194,287 
pesos. In 1918, under .the Carranza government, the then only 
recognized banks in Mexico had a nominal capital and sm-plus of 
148,197,409 pesos, while the metal reserve and actual convertible 
assets, as shown by the evidence, possibly amounted to 30 cents on 
the dollar. In other words, in 1909 banks, counting capital, had 
approximately 1,150,000,000 pesos assets and in 1918-19, 148,197,000 
pesos nominal assets. (See testimony McCaleb, pt. 5, pp. 728, et 
seq.; also same part, pp. 686 et seq.) The State banks, such as the 
great Bank of Sonora, Mmer's Bank of Chihuahua, and all other 
banks in the States, are practically wiped out. (See testimony 
Bracey Curtis, pt. 12, pp. 1833, et seq., and other testimony.) 

We will not endeavor to give statistics on the general increase of 
Mexican trade with other nations of the world as shown by imports 
and exports, but content ourselves with the statelnent of fact that in 
the year 1878, when we recognized Diaz, imports into the United 
States through border custom districts was $1,585,368; for the year 
1910 these imports through the same districts were -$22,911,198, 
while for the same years the exports to Mexico through such border 
districts were respectively $3,391,787 and $29,106,100. Through all 
the Mexican ports there were imported into Mexico in 1911 approxi- 
mately $100,000,000 of goods of which the United States sold 
$60,000,000; in the same year there were exported by Mexico goods 
to the value of approximately $150,000,000, about 77 per cent of 
which the United States purchased. During the entire period of the 
Diaz regime there were no revolutions except two incipient dis- 
tm'bances occurring on the border and engineered from the United 
States. Neither of these were of the slightest importance and each 
was immediately suppressed. After Diaz succeeded Gonzalez in 
1884, a traveler was safe in the innermost recesses of the SieiTa 
Madres or in the tropical regions of the south; in the State of Sonora 
in the north or in the State of Chiapas in the south; Sinaloa of the 
west, or Tamaulipas on the east coast. No guards were necessary on 
trains which were run without interference and on schedule time. 



32 ATFAIES IlSr MEXICO. 

In the Mexican army, on paper, were 25,000 men. As a matter of 
fact, the total number of men in the Mexican army in 1909-10, as 
was later discovered, was less than 13,000. A force of "rurales," 
comparable with the Texas Ranger force or mounted police of Penn- 
sylvania, maintained law and order throughout the Republic, while 
their number did not exceed 1 ,200 at any one time. Americans were 
welcome wherever they went in Mexico and their financial assistance 
wa,s sought in opening up all the resources of the country; and during 
their visits they were welcomed with equal hospitality at the palace 
of the rich ''hacendado" or hut of the humblest peon. In short 
there was no such thing dreamed of as an anti-American feeling of 
Mexicans toward Americans. Over the world, in every civilized 
country, Porfirio Diaz was regarded as an honorable, honest, patriotic, 
upright ruler, practically an autocrat or dictator, but devoted to his 
country and his people; in fact his character was that of the man of 
whom Mr. Bryan writes in the quotation given from his book. 

NORMAL MEXICO; RESUMED. 

1910-11: Mexican I. W. W. Junta. Orozco 
Madero revolution. 

1911: May 10. Juarez captured by the forces of 
the "Red Flaggers" and followers of Madero. 
Diaz resigns and Francisco de la Barra becomes 
President. 

1911: Under the Mexican constitution the secre- 
tary of state succeeds to the Presidency in event 
of a vacancy, and De la Barra was also agreed to by 
Madero. 

1911-12: Elections held and Madero declared 
President. 

1911-12: Revolutionists, particularly Zapatistas, 
continue operations. 

1912: March 1. Orozco revolution against Madero. 
Chihuahua secedes. Orozco military commander. 
Zapata revolution continues and revolutionary 
activities ail over the Republic. 

1913: February. "Cuartelazo" City of Mexico. 
Felix Diaz delivered from imprisonment. Madero 
and Pino Suarez arrested. Both resign. 

1913: March. Lascurain, foreign minister, be- 
comes President for 28 minutes; resigns and — ■ 

1913: Victoriano Huerta declared President and 
confirmed by the Mexican Congress. Madero and 
Suarez assassinated. Revolutionary activities con- 
tinue all over the Republic. United States refuses 
to recognize Huerta. 

1914: Veracruz seized by United States forces. 
Carranza, Villa, Obregon, Zapata, and others con- 
tinue revolution in all States. 

1914: July. Huerta resigns and leaves Mexico. 
Carbajal takes oath of office as President. United 
States does not recognize and insists upon Carranza 
or some one agreeable to him at Niagara conference. 
Carbajal insists upon amnesty before surrendering 
Mexico City, and Carranza refuses August 5. 
August 9, Secretary Bryan announces that C arranza 
has given this Government assurances that Car- 
rancistas will commit no excesses. Carbajal yields 
to Carranza's demand as Obregon's army threatens 
the city. August 12, Carbajal leaves the capital. 
Obregon's troops enter city about August 17. Villa 
and Carranza have therefore split. Provisional 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 33 

President to be chosen by conA"ention. Carranza 
agrees to resign as first cihief and submit to con- 
vention. Villa and Carranza each bluffing at 
resigning and getting out of the country. 

1914: October 22-23. Convention names cabinet. 
Carranza claims right to pass upon all matters and 
convention agrees to accept Carranza's resignation 
and that both he and Villa get out of the country. 

1914: November 3. Gen. Eulalio Gutierrez 
chosen provisional President for 20-day term. 
Carranza refuses to abide by action of convention 
and he and Gutierrez set up rival governments; 
Carranza in Puebla, and Gutierrez in Aguasca- 
lientes. Obregon loyal to Carranza. Revolutions 
continue. 

1915: January 16. Gutierrez named provisional 
President to serve until April, 1916, 

1915: Janu.ary 18. Gutierrez deposed by conven- 
tion and Roque Gonzalez Garza elected pro- 
visional President. Convention adjourns to meet 
in Mexico City. February 4. Villa announces 
he is in charge of Presidency and appoints three 
ministers, January 28. Villa forces leave Mexico 
City. January 29. Carranza forces enter city, 
Obregon in command. United States protests 
Obregon' s incendiary statements March 4. March 
10. Cari'anza forces under Obregon evacuate city. 
Zapata in charge of city; and 

1915: March 18. Garza reported back in Mexico 
City. Revolutions continue. Gutierrez leading 
one faction; Garza pretending to lead another; 
Carranza heading a third, and generals, colonels, 
etc., each man for himself. 

1915: About April 1 Carranza forces under 
Obregon enter city, but again evacuate it and 
other forces occupy it. 

1915: June 20. Carranza retires to San Juan de 
Ulua Castle. 

1915: United States calls meeting Central Amer- 
ican and other States and military leaders to con- 
sider government for Mexico. All leaders opposed 
to Carranza agree to attend meeting and abide by 
results. Carranza, with Obregon, Pablo Gonzales, 
and others refuse and demand recognition of Car- 
ranza alone. 

1915: October 6. Carranza recognized de facto 
head of Mexican Government by United States. 

1915: October-November. American Red Cross, 
serving 23,000 soups per day in Mexico City and 
feeding starving there and other locations, ordered 
out of Mexico by our Government upon insistence 
of Carranza. 

1916: Revolutions continue. Pretended elec- 
tions called, but elective franchise restricted to 
those on date of election actively supporting Car- 
ranza. No elections held except where Carranza 
garrisons are in control. Same qualifications for 
election at constitutional convention. 

1916: Five States with no representation what- 
soever; others represented by delegates elected 
from Carranza garrison locations without opposi- 
tion. Constitution convention meets at Queretaro. 

1917: January 31. New constitution signed over 
opposition United States Government. February 
5. Constitution promulgated. February 11. Am- 
bassador Fletcher, United States, leaves United 
States, arriving Mexico City February 19. Wires 

S. Rept. 645, 66-2 3 



34 AFFAIRS IIST MEXICO. 

United States Government assured by Mexican 
State Department confiscation clauses Mexican 
constitution will not be put in effect against Amer- 
icans; Fletcher presents credentials to Carranza at 
Queretaro. 

1917: On March 3, and thus Carranza is recog- 
as "de jure" President. Revolutions continue all 
over Republic. Zapata assembled his forces, divid- 
ing into smaller bands under various leaders, con- 
tinue struggle. No peace in any State in Mexico, 
Carranza government recognized where it has 
armed control. 

1918-19: Same. 

1919: August. United States Senate appoints 
committee to investigate Mexican matters. Com- 
mittee opens hearings Wasliington, New York, and 
Mexican-American border. 

1920: Opposition to Carranza quietly drawing; 
Gen. Felipe Angeles organizes Liberal Alliance, 
and Angeles enters Mexico. Arrested, court- 
martialed, and shot. 

1920: March. Dieguez undertakes remove De 
la Huerta, governor Sonora. Obregon-Gonzales 
rival military candidates. Carranza attempts take 
advantage Liberal Alliance and other civil move- 
ments and presents Bonillas as candidate for Presi- 
dency. 

1920: April. Sonora Legislature passes secession 
ordinance; Obregon recalled to Mexico City and, 
under arrest, escapes. De la Huerta, Calles, 
Salvador Alvarado take charge Sonora movement 
and issue "Plan of Agua Prieta," April 9, declaring 
for 1917 constitution. Revolution in City of 
Mexico and all over Republic. Carranza com- 
pelled to abdicate and supposed to leave Mexico 
May 9. De la Huerta supposed to call Mexican 
Congress together to name President pro tempore. 
Congress reported to meet on Friday to have ad- 
journed until May 24. 

1920: May 22. Carranza reported to be killed, 
together with members of his cabinet, while in 
fight by "bandits." 

PRESIDENTS. 

1911 to 1920: Diaz, De la Barra, Madero, Huerta, 
Carbajal, Gutierrez, Garza, Villa (by his own 
declaration), Vasquez Gomez (1912 by State of 
Chihuahua through Orozco), Carranza, De la 
Huerta. 

In discussing more fully what we have called the "normal" condi- 
tion of Mexico after the years 1910 and 1911 (the chronological se- 
quence of which we have hurriedly referred to) let us return for a 
moment to the ''abnormal" Mexico of 1876 to 1910. 

In 1876 Gen. Porfirio Diaz issued a proclamation announcing him- 
self as provisional President of the Republic under the plan of 
Tuxtepec. \ 

Upon being informed of the circumstances in January, 1877, this 
Government took the matter of recognition under consideration and 
stated that although it was "accustomed to accept and recognize 
the results of a popular choice in Mexico and not to scrutinize closely 
the regularity or irregularity of the methods," nevertheless we would 



AFFAIES IK MEXICO. 35 

wait in this particular instance "before recognizing Gen. Diaz as 
President of Mexico until it shall be assured that his election is ap- 
proved by the Mexican people, and that his administration is pos- 
sessed of stability to endure and of disposition to comply with the 
rules of international comity and the obligations of treaties." 

Disturbed conditions continuing along the border finally Evarts 
wrote to Minister Foster as follows: 

' ' The first duty of a Governmentis to protect life and property. This is a paramount 
obligation. For this governments are instituted, and governments neglecting or fail- 
ing to perform it become worse than useless. This duty the Government of the 
United States has determined to perform to the extent of its power toward its citizens 
on the border. It is not solicitous, it never has been, about the methods or ways in 
which that protection shall be accomplished, whether by formal treaty stipulation or 
by informal convention ; whether by the action of judicial tribunals or that of military 
forces . Protection in fact to American lives and propert""^ is the sole point upon which 
the United States are tenacious." 

This note of itself inaugurated a new era in Mexico and was of 
itself, as used by President Diaz, largely responsible for the long 
period of peace and consequent prosperity reigning in Mexico. 

As the story is told by his son, Diaz was upon first impression 
intensely angered when the contents of this note were communicated 
to him. 

Wise old Indian that he was, however, upon second thought he 
determined that he would use this note to compel observance of his 
orders and loyalty to his plans and purposes by the constant threat 
that unless his plans were carried out and his government respected 
and armed resistance or opposition ceased, that the ''Colossus of the 
North, " simply awaiting a favorable occasion, would avail itself of 
the first opportunity to take over Mexico. 

Thus was raised through the deliberate purpose of Diaz "El 
Fantasma," that is, "The Specter," which is yet so often alluded to 
by Latin-Americans and particularly by Mexicans in speaking of the 
United States. 

From time to time as opposition threatened the Diaz government 
or his plans, he would call attention of those offering such opposition 
to the Evarts note and was thus largely able to overcome such 
opposition in its incipiency. 

Finally he was recognized by this Government in 1878, when a 
formal reception was accorded the minister from Mexico, 

Then ensued the great era of prosperity which we have rapidly 
sketched, and we shall now refer shortly to the political conditions 
under Diaz's administration. 

The Diaz administration was an autocracy with the ''Strong man 
of Chapul tepee" as a practical dictator, supported by, and in turn 
supporting, certain families or persons in each of the different States 
of the Republic. His army was at the command of such governors, 
and in turn their supj)ort was extended the central government 
through Diaz whenever same was necessary or called for. 

Necessarily the yomiger generation of those who were "out" and 
did not belong to the "reigning families" in the different States were 
opposed to this autocracy, but generally entirely loyal to Diaz per- 
sonally, and all recognized, or thought they recognized, not only the 
futility of using force against him, but also the possible consequence 
to their country and its sovereignty as they viewed "El Fantasma" 
constantly projected before their eyes. 



36 AFFAIRS m MEXICO. 

Diaz grew old and weak and sought to assure continued prosperity 
through peace and order, for his loved country by preparing before- 
hand for the perpetuation of his plan of government. 
/ H^e finally forced the adoption of an amendment providing for the 
election of a vice president, and as his plan grew was instrumental 
in forcing the election of Ramon Corral, of Sonora, as vice president. 

Each of the prominent supporters in each of the States, or at least 
the majority of these autocrats, imagined that he shoidd fall heir to 
the mantle of the old soldier and, of course, objected to the selection 
of a Sonoranian rather than himself as the successor to power. 

Meantime, largely because of the autocratic and arbitrary rule and 
acts of the family, or person, of authority in the State, the opposition 
to this form of government had grown stronger and stronger with 
the years. 

THE "red FL aggers." 

In 1905 there was organized in the United States by a few radical 
Mexicans what was known as the "Organizing Committee" of the 
Liberal Party of Mexico. These men carried on propaganda through- 
out the Republic through which they appealed to the ignorant 
masses of the Mexican people; to the Indian tribes by name and 
collectively; and to all the dissatisfied elements, to rise against the 
power of Diaz and overthrow the Government. 

They issued their plans at first of a milder radical type but rapidly 
more and more anarchistical in character. 

. Not content with their appeal through propaganda, through 
proclamation, through letters and organizing committees; they 
established a periodical published in various States of the United 
States from time to time and known as La Regeneracion Publica. 

Their proposed plan was that of the extreme French syndicalist 
and of the radical I. W. W. which latter was just making itself known 
in the United States through the writings of Vincent St. John and 
others; the "junta" or committee, proposed not only to overthrow 
the Government of Diaz but to confiscate aU property including 
real estate and divide the same among the population of Mexico 
"without discrimination as to sex"; they admitted it to be true that 
many large estates had been bought, but claimed that the purchasers 
themselves had stolen their money or achieved their wealth by 
bribery, corruption, etc., and that therefore they were not entitled 
to payment for the properties which were to be taken from them; 
they appealed to the Indian particularly upon the ground that his 
territory had formerly extended from one mountain top in sight o:& 
his little settlement to another to be seen at a different point of the 
compass, and told him that all that was necessary was for him to 
rise and take his property back; they appealed by name to the 
Yaquis and the other tribes with these and similar statements; 
not content with this propaganda they endeavored to secure recruits 
for armed intervention in Mexico in different sections, and finally, 
coming in contact with the neutrality laws of the United States, 
were arrested. 

The organizers of this "junta" or committee of the so-caUed 
revolutionary "Liberal Party" were: 

Ricardo Flores Magon, Juan Sarabia, Librado Rivera, Enrique 
Flores Magon, Antonio I. Villarreal, and Anselmo L. Figueroa. 



AFEAIES 11^ MEXICO. 37 

In 1908 the American Federation of Labor then in session at 
Denver telegraphed these gentlemen the sympathy of "our" organi- 
zation in their troubles. 

Some of the parties were convicted; but their activities did not 
cease. 

Later the committee was reorganized and found in active business 
again at Los Angeles, Calif. 

Their propaganda at this time consisted not only of similar appeals 
to the population of Mexico and particularly to the Indians, but of 
appeals for assistance to the radical labor element of the United 
States. 

The Orozco revolution having broken out in Chihuahua and that 
leader having been pursuaded to declare for Francisco I. Madero as 
President of Mexico, the Magon-Villarreal junta called upon all of 
their followers to assist in the overthrow of Diaz ; but as will be seen 
by reference to the testimony in part 17, page 2506, their stated 
purpose was not the overthrow of Diaz to assist in "forming a bour- 
geois repubhc" such as that of the United States, by the seating of 
Madero in power, but to use the Madero-Orozco assistance to over- 
throw the then existing government, which done — as they insisted — • 
the overthi-ow of the Madero government could be completed without 
difficulty. 

The representatives of this "Flores Magon-Villarreal" I. W. W. 
anarchistical party or jimta, who took active part in the fighting 
prior to the resignation of Diaz, were Jose Inez Salazar, Emilio 
Camp a, and like gentry, who were known as the "Red Fl aggers." 
(See testimony Inez Salazar, pt. 17, p. 2591, and also testimony 
Mrs. Carlin and others, pt. 17, p. 2593, Judge Bartch, pt. 18.) 

After the overthrow of Diaz these gentlemen continued their 
activities not only by propaganda but by the organization of armed 
forces led by "generals" Pryce, Stanley, and others, with recruits 
from the active membership of I. W. W. local organizations in 
southern California, those around Los Angeles, San Diego, and other 
California towns, joined by radicals of different races and soldiers of 
fortune who flocked lilve vultures around the corpse of bleeding 
Mexico. 

E, Flores Magon testified in the extradition cases of Pryce and 
others, and admitted the activities of the Liberal Party along these 
lines as well as their propaganda endeavors m the Republic of 
Mexico, showing their organization throughout 18 States of that 
Republic, etc. (See part 17, p. 2514.) 

They were agaia arrested for violation of the neutraHty laws, and 
President Madero sent Jesus Flores Magon to attend the trial and 
assist in the conviction of these men, four of whom were convicted 
and sentenced to San Quentin. 

Of course, the sympathy of the American Federation of Labor with 
these men, who proclaimed themselves patriots, and revolationists 
against the horrible rule of a tyrant, can vvxU be understood; but the 
consequences possibly were not foreseen, and could not be foreseen 
by those who miderstood as little of the Mexican population as did 
Mr. Gompers and his associates. 

These conservative labor men of the United States could not 
realize that to the great majority of the population of Mexico, 
"liberty" merely meant "hcense" to work individual sweet will 



38 -AEFAIES Ilsr MEXICO. 

3iot only with the property but with the body and person of any 
other, whether man or woman. 

The fact is as disclosed by the evidence in this case that through the 
assistance of many sincere and good people in this country and 
"through the financial and other assistance of the extreme radical 
elements the only invasion of Mexico, by arms, which has occurred 
from this side of the border (except the landing at Veracruz under 
orders of our President, the Pershing Expedition under similar 
orders, and the military expeditions in following the "hot trail" of 
marauders) , was inaugurated, brought about, and supported by the 
elements in the United States which have been among those most 
loud in protesting against "armed intervention" in Mexican affairs 
and insistmg most strenuously that the Mexican people should not be 
interfered with in the spilling of their blood and the establishment of 
even such condition of affairs as was advocated by the Magon- 
Villareal propagandists. 

MADEEO-YASQUEZ GOMEZ PARTY. 

The "Anti-Reelection Party," organized largely through the efforts 
of Francisco and Emilio Vasquez Gomez, with the cooperation of 
Francisco I. Madero (as will be seen byreference to their "plan" as 
set forth in the evidence) , advocated a reform of the constitution of 
1857, to prohibit the reelection of a president or other officers; and 
also to provide for a commission who should investigate and ascer- 
tain the ownership, value, and amount, of the unoccupied lands 
withheld by the owners from development by individuals, with the 
object of purchasing such land, by payment to the owner, and the 
sale thereafter to those needing homes. 

The success of Madero was an accident not due to his own following 
nor to the strength of his army movement and not due to the strength 
of the Flores Magon-Villarreal movement, but to an uprising of the 
Mexican and Indian population of the mountain districts of Chihuahua 
against State taxation and against the Creel-Terrazas families and 
their domination. ,1 

Orozco, the leader of this movement, having been brought in con- 
flict with national forces, was approached by Madero emissaries with 
the proffer of money and assistance should he declare for Madero for 
President, which he promptly did. Madero, leading a few followers of 
his own and some ' 'Red Flaggers," declined to await Orozco's assist- 
ance, and brought on the battle of Casas Grandes, in which he was most 
thoroughly whipped and his followers driven away. A few days later 
they joined Orozco with his command and were led to the border, 
where, despite the orders of Madero to the contrary, Orozco and Villa 
captured the city of Juarez and compelled the resignation of Diaz. 

By agreement, or rather by acquiescence of Madero, as the leader 
of the revolutionary forces, Francisco de la Barra, under the form of 
the constitution of the Republic, became president ad interim pend- 
ing an election. At this election Madero, having ' ' changed partners ' ' 
just prior to the final result, had Pino Suarez declared elected Vice 
President (with himseK as President) , in lieu of Vazquez Gomez, who 
was his running mate on the antireelection ticket. This result was 
easily brought about, because, following the usual custom which he 
had so strenuously denounced, Madero insis|;ed upon his right to ap- 



AFFAIRS IlsT MEXICO. ' 39 

point govemors over the people in the different States in Mexico, 
and through such appointees declared the results of the election. 

Prior to this time the old treaty of anmestj and conunerce with 
the United States had lapsed and had never been renewed, which 
is the condition existing to-day. 

The Government of the United States, not being informed, of course, 
as to the true conditions among the rank and file of the Mexican 
people, followed the ordinary procedure, and without hesitation rec- 
ognized first De la Barra and later Madero through the ambassador 
of the United States already in Mexico City, requiring no security 
for the protection of Americans. 

The so-called Madero revolution had the sympathy of the majority 
of the Americans along the border in a general way; that is to say; 
supposed, as it really was, to represent a revolt against autocracy, It 
had the good will of American Democrats. Through this good will, 
and by virtue of the then lax laws Vvdth reference to the exportation 
of arms and ammunition, the Madero-Orozco-Fiores-Magon armed 
forces were enabled to secure supplies, arms, and ammunition with 
which to carry on the revolution (of course, it must be understood 
that had Diaz been a few years younger, this revolutionary move- 
ment at that time, only numbering in men under arms at most 1,000 
or 2,000 all conibmed, would have been crushed in its incipiency and 
with little or no effort) . 

But agam, ''The Spectre," ''El Fa^ntasma," which had been pre- 
sented to him in 1878, could be seen across the border, where 20,000 
American troops had been hurried by our Government. 

Zapata continued the revolution, as did various bands under dif- 
ferent leaders, and finally in March, 1912, the State of Chihuahua 
seceded and Pascual Orozco, the former successful leader of the 
Madero forces, was placed in military command of the anti-Madero 
movement. Successful in the preliminary skirmishes and in the first 
battle of ReUano, Orozco, far from his base of supphes, awaiting 
shipments of arms and ammunition over the Mexican Central Road, 
which was under his control to the American border, failing to receive 
such shipments was compelled to fall back, and finally after a futile 
struggle of months, to abandon the military field to the armed forces 
of the Mexican Madero Government. 

The so-called amendment to the neutrality laws of the United 
States (in fact, an amendment to the Spanish-American War legis- 
lation, prohibiting shipments of war supplies which might fall into 
the hands of Cervera's fleet) had been adopted and under it the 
President of the United States had prohibited the shipment of arms 
and ammunitions to anyone in Mexico except to the regularly 
recognized Madero government. 

During the few months of the Madero revolution against Diaz 
many Americans lost their lives, almost invariably at the hands of 
the "Red Flaggers." In the Orozco revolt or the Chihuahua seces- 
sion again these "Red Flaggers," following the original "grito'' 
(cry) as outlined in 1906 and constantly pursued, "that the people 
of Mexico needed no government" flocked around Orozco. Upon 
the defeat of these forces and Orozco's men (or upon their being 
driven back for want of arms and ammunition) mider the leadership 
of the same Jose Inez Salazar and others, bands of from 35 to 400 
each, devastated the northern portion of Mexico and principally 



40 APFAIES IN MEXICO. 

the State of Chihuahua. Revolutionary activity of the same char- 
acter broke out with renewed fury all over the Republic, and during 
this period and up to the overthrow of the Madero government and 
the incoming of Huerta approximately 200 Americans lost their 
lives in Mexico. 

ANTI- AMEBIC AN AGITATION AND OUTRAGE PRIOR TO 1913. 

Examination of the evidence will disclose that the reason offered 
by these Mexican revolutionary leaders for holding Americans to 
ransom, robbing them of their property, driving them out m herds 
from their homes and farms, and assaultmg them even to the point 
of death, was that the United States Government had taken part in 

Surely domestic troubles in Mexico and was actively assisting the 
ladero government with arms and ammunition, while refusing to 
allow the purchase of elements and instruments of warfare by the 
very man who had placed Madero m power. Complaints were made 
that Madero forces were allowed to use American soil for refuge, 
and that Madero troops were allowed to travel over American rail- 
roads to escape from or to attack at some other place, those in 
revolution against the Madero government. 

Wordy protests were made by our Government in one or two 
instances against outrages upon Americans and destruction of 
American property, only to be answered, of course, by Madero to 
the effect that he could not control the bandits. The American 
Government interposed no force for the protection of its citizens in 
Mexico even near its own borders. The consequence of this later 
policy was, of course, to confirm the bandits, legitimate or anti- 
Mad ero, in the belief that Americans were left alone and would not 
under any circumstances be protected by their own Government. 

Agitators among the Mexican demagogues proclaimed against the 
United States and the citizens of the United States, and were suc- 
cessful, of course, in arousing feeling against us and our citizens and 
securing recruits for themselves and justifying to their followers and 
thousands of good people in Mexico outrages which were perpetrated 
upon individual Americans who had theretofore lived for years in 
amity, peace, and good fellowship with the people of Mexico. 

Shortly prior to July 29, 1912, approximately 4,000 American citi- 
zens had been driven out of the States of Chihualiua and Sonora by 
armed bands under Salazar and other "Red Flaggers"; their lives 
threatened; their property destroyed; large numbers of them killed 
(see testimony of Ella Stevens, pt. 17, p. 2602; testimony of Mrs. 
Carlin and others, pt. 17, p. 2593; testimony of Judge Bartch, pt. 18, 
p. 2727.) and these people, including more than 1,200 children, the 
majority born in Mexico, had taken refuge on the American side of 
the line, and being destitute, were fed by the people of El Paso, 
Douglas, and other American towns. 

A joint resolution introduced in the Senate on July 29, 1912, 
"authorized the Secretary of War to supply tents and rations to 
American citizens compelled to leave Mexico." 

This resolution (S. J. Res. 127) was immediately adopted and its 
provisions were carried out by the Army of the United States. 

On August 2, 1912, there was introduced in the Senate a joint 
resolution "to provide transportation for American citizens fleeing 
from threatened danger in the Republic of Mexico." 



ATFAIES IN MEXICO. 41 

By the terms of this resolution the Secretary of War was authorized 
and directed ''to furnish transportation from El Paso, Tex., to such 
place in the United States as each shall elect, to those American citi- 
zens fleeing from the Republic of Mexico who are now or may be 
hereafter temporarily supplied with shelter and sustenance in whole 
or in part by the Covernment of the United States in or near El 
Paso, Tex." 

One hundred thousand dollars was appropriated for this purpose 
and same was applied as directed. 

On August 10, 1912, there was introduced in the Senate a joint 
resolution (S. J. Res. 133) appropriating $20,000 out of the $100,000 
appropriated under the resolution of August 2, for the subsistence of 
Ainerican citizens now in Arizona fleeing from threatened danger in 
the Republic of Mexico, and same was adopted and its provisions 
carried out. 

It will thus be seen that the acts of citizens of Mexico in derogation 
of the rights of the citizens of the United States were, in the eyes of 
the Mexicans, justified, and have to this day been justified by the 
attitude of the American Government toward its own citizens and 
toward the Mexican Government. 

The American Government had not intervened for the protection 
of its citizens in the Republic of Mexico, but had left them at the 
mercy of the bandits, and Congress was compelled to take care of 
such of them as managed to reach the border. 

Meantime, on March 2, 1912, cable instructions had been issued 
by the State Department to the Ambassador in Mexico City, as 
follows : 

"Paraphrase. Embassy is instructed in its discretion to inform Americans that 
the embassy deemed it its duty to advise them to withdraw from any particular 
localities where conditions of lawlessness so threatened their personal safety as to 
make withdrawal the part of common prudence. The embassy is further instructed 
to specify the localities, if any, from which withdrawal might at any time seem advis- 
able, and state that in any such cases consuls could take charge of abandoned effects 
as might be possible under the circumstances. 

' ' The department stated that it was sending a copy of this telegram to all consular 
officers in Mexico, merely for their information and for the information of Americans 
in their districts." 

Under the wording of this cablegram, and particularly that portion 
of it which instructed the embassy ''to specify the localities, if any, 
from which withdrawal mio-ht at any time seem advisable," Amer- 
icans in Mexico to whom the order was directed or indirectly com- 
municated through the embassy or consular agencies, or through 
other persons, construed it to mean that the Government at Wash- 
ington and the embassy at Mexico City knew something concerning 
Mexico, or intended to take some action with reference to Mexico, 
which individuals located or residing in Mexico should be warned of; 
and the majority of Americans in Mexico (at least throughout the 
rural districts and apart from those in the City of Mexico who had 
or might have the advantage of pereonal consultation with the 
ambassador) imagined that finally the Government of the United 
States intended to protect Americans wherever they were or where 
it might be able to reach them; and so a great exodus of American 
citizens immediately commenced. 

The effect upon the minds of Mexicans in different localities who 
had continued to work at their emplo3rnient under Americans — 



42 APFAiRS insr Mexico. 

who had been loyal and faithful, and had announced themselves 
willing to protect the property and lives of their American em- 
ployers — was to open their ears to the appeals of demagogues that 
they should join bands of bandits, or revolutionists or some one else, 
and prepare to defend their countrjr against the United States. 

In many localities those ignorant people were told tnat slavery 
existed in the United States; that the slave States of the South had 
always wanted to take over more Mexican territory than had been 
acquired in 1848; and that the purpose of the Government of the 
United States now was to withdraw Americans so that Mexicans 
could not hold them as hostages or mete out retribution to them for 
assaults upon Mexicans; that the real purpose of the United States 
was to take over Mexico and enslave the Mexican people. 

This was the effect of the ill-advised, but of course well-meant 
cablegram to the embassy, sent out under conditions existing as they 
were, and at a time when Americans had not yet been convinced 
that their Government at home would no longer protect Americans 
abroad. 

At least however, the Government of the United States up to this 
time, while failing to protect its citizens, had not intervened in the 
internal affairs of Mexico in the effort to change their officials or 
their form of government. 

HUEBTA-CABIIANZA PERIOD. 

The resignation of Madero and Pino Suarez was forced, following 
the "cuartelazo" in the early part of 1913, and Lascurain, taking 
over the Presidency under the form of the constitution, resigned the 
office, and under this same constitution Huerta was immediately 
declared elected President. 

The Government of the United States through the President refused 
to acknowledge the Huerta government and sent John Lind to Vera- 
cruz and Mexico City, followed by other personal representatives 
of the President, among whom were the Hon. William Bayard Hale, 
Mr. George Carothers, then recent consular agent at Torreon, etc. 

The Congress of the United States was not consulted with reference 
to these quasi ambassadors or personal representatives, nor was the 
Congress of the United States even notified of their missions or the 
purport thereof, except as in the message of the President of the 
United States to the Congress of August 27, 1913. 

The correspondence between the polished, suave, and learned 
diplomat, Gamboa, and the Hon. John Lind is interesting and in- 
structive. 

Under date of August 16, 1913, Gamboa says among other things: 

"Fortunately * * * your character as confidential agent of your Government 
was fully established." 

Mr. Gamboa, in the same letter, states that "the Government of 
Mexico has paid due attention to the advice and considerations ex- 
pressed by the Government of the United States" as contained in the 
note of the President of the United States presented to Gamboa by 
Lind at their second interview. 



APFAIES IN MEXICO. 43 

Gamboa says the Government of Mexico ''has paid due attention 
to the advice and considerations" for several reasons: 

"First. Because Mexico entertains the highest respect for the personality of His 
Excellency Woodrow Wilson. 

' ' Second . B ecause certain European and American Governments with which Mexico 
cultivates the closest relations of international amity, having in a most delicate, re- 
spectful way, highly gratifying to us, made use of their good offices to the end that 
Mexico should accord you a hearing, inasmuch as you were the bearer of a private 
mission from the President of the United States." 

We will not attempt to quote all this communication, which so 
carefully reviews and comments upon the Lind mission and note of 
the President, but one or two additional quotations here require 
repetition: 

' ' The request that Gen. Victoriano Huerta should agree not to appear as a candidate 
for the presidency of the Republic in the coming elections can not be taken into 
consideration, because, aside from its strange and unwarranted character, there is a 
risk that the same might be interpreted as a matter of personal dislike. This point 
can only be decided by Mexican public opinion when it may be expressed at the polls. 

The confidential agent may believe that solely because of the sincere esteem in 
which the people and the Government of the United States of America are held by 
the people and Government of Mexico, and because of the consideration which it 
has for all friendly nations (and especially in this case for those which have offered 
their pood offices), my Government consented to take into consideration and to answer 
as briefly as the matter permits the representations of which you are the bearer. 
Otherwise it would have rejected them immediately because of their humiliating 
and unusual character, hardly admissible even in a treaty of peace after a victory, 
inasmuch as in a like case any nation which in the least respects itself would do like- 
■wise." 

In another communication the Mexican minister rather indignantly 
repudiates the suggestion that compliance with the requirements of 
the President of the United States communicated through Lind might 
be followed by financial favors extended through the influence of 
our Government. 

The committee will not endeavor to follow seriatum the acts of 
this Government with reference to Huerta nor those leading up to 
the recognition of the Carranza as the de facto Government in Octo- 
ber, 1915. A reference to the testimony of W. F. Buckley, part 6, 
pages 767 et seq., is hereby made, as weU as to other evidence in 
the case and to the public records. 

Meantime revolution continues, accompanied, as usual, by outrages 
of every character upon American citizens. 

At the very time that the message of August 27 was in preparation 
for communication to the Congress of the United States, and tele- 
grams following same were being prepared for forwarding to the 
consuls and other officials in Mexico, Matthew Gourd's nieces were 
being outraged in his presence while he was tied to a limb with a rope 
around his neck. 

We were informed in this message, among other things, that: 

We should earnestly urge all Americans to leave Mexico at once and should assist 
them to get away in every way possible — not because we would mean to slacken in the 
least our efforts to safeguard their lives and their interests, but because it is imperative 
that they should take no unnecessary risks when it is physically possible for them to 
leave the country. 

On the same date, that is, August 27, the consul general at Mexico 
City was notified "to warn Americans to leave Mexico," and 

The consul general was instructed to notify all officials, military or civil, exercising 
authority that they would be held strictly responsible for any harm done to Americana 
or for injury to their property. 



44 AFFAIKS IF MEXICO. 

The consul general was instructed to furnish a copy to the em- 
bassy at Mexico City, and the State Department here had the same 
telegram repeated to all American consuls in Mexico. 

This first telegram was followed by another of the same date, em- 
bracing extracts from the President's message to Congress, and 
(paraphrase) : 

It is furtiier stated that the advice to leave Mexico did not indicate that the Govern- 
ment of the tJnited States -would slacken in the least its efforts to safeguard the lives 
and interests of Americans, but that they should take no unnecessary risks when it 
"was physically possible for them to leave the coimtry. 

On April 20, 1914, the following telegram was sent (paraphrase) : 

It was stated ^a this telegram that Gen. Hiierta had refused to salute the flag; that 
the President would lay the matter before Congress that day; that Americans and 
other foreigners should be notified of the critical situation; and that Americans should 
be reminded of the President's advice to leave Mexico imtil order was restored. 

On April 22, 1914 (paraphrase) : 

The consuls were advised of the results follo"ning the landing of American forces at 
Vera Cruz, and were instructed to urge all Americans to leave Mexico as soon as 
possible. 

On September 11, 1915 (paraphrase): 

It was stated that, as a precautionary measm'e, it was of the utmost importance, in 
view of the particularly dangerous conditions arising fi'om the revolutionary crisis, 
that all Americans, and incidentally other foreigners, be induced to leave Mexico 
immediately. The consular officers were authorized to abandon Mexico, bringing 
their records with them, if conditions were such as to justify their departm-e. 

TAMPICO — VERACRUZ USTCIDENT APRIL 20, 1914. 

The Tampico incident of April 20, 1914, constituting what has 
generally been called the ''Insult to our flag'' brought a message from 
the President of the United States, giving his reason for landing 
armed forces at Veracruz and requesting ratification of the Congress 
of the United States for his acts. This incident and the message 
concerning same will be more fully referred to a little later. 

A reference to the chronological events herembefore set forth will 
disclose that Huerta left Mexico City in July, 1914, and that after 
several so-called presidents had been named by one seK-constituted 
authority or another, the President of the United States called upon 
the warring forces in Mexico to get together or this country would 
be compelled to take steps to pacify Mexico. 

CARRANZA PERIOD. 

Senate Document No. 324, Sixty-fourth Congress, first session, 
contains the answer of the President to the recpest for information 
as to why this Government had finally decided to recognize Carranza 
in October, 1915. In short, the reasons given were: That while the 
convention itseh, which was yet in session, and while Villa, Zapata, 
and other independent leaders agreed to meet with the United States 
and representatives of other comitries and abide by the decision 
of such representatives in the settlement of Mexican affahs; that 
Carranza declined, and that Obregon, Gonzales, and Carranza's 
appointed cabinet officers and appointed governors and other ap- 
pointed officials agreed to leave the decision as to taking part in this 



AFFAIRS IE" MEXICO. 45 

meeting to Carranza himself; that it appeared that Carranza was the 
only one man whose domination was acceptable to any number of 
others and that therefore this Government should recognize him as 
head of the de facto government of Mexico. 

beyan's opinion of obregon. 

Prior to this time the Brazilian minister was representing the 
interests of the United States in the Kepubhc of Mexico, and through 
this minister the Department of State of the United States com- 
municated directly to Obregon and to Carranza separately, among 
other tilings using the following language: 

The Government of the United States has noted vrith increasing concern the reports 
of Gen. Obregon's utterances to the residents of Afexico City. The Government 
believes they tend to incite the populace to com.mit outrages in which innocent 
foreigners within "Mexican territory, particularly in the City of Mexico, may be 
involved. TMs Government is particularly impressed "with Gen. Obregon's sug- 
gestions that he would refuse to protect not only Mexicans but foreigners in case of 
violence, and that his present manifesto is a forerunner of others more disastrous in 
effect. In this condition of affairs the Government of the United States is informed 
that the City of ilexico may soon be evacuated by the Constitutionalist forces, lea-vdng 
the populace without protection against whatever faction may choose to occupy it, thus 
shirking the responsibility which may happen as a result of the instigation to law- 
lessness before and after the evacuation of the city. 

The Government of the United States is led to believe that a deplorable situation 
has been ^villfully brought about by Constitutionalist leaders and forces upon a 
populace submissive to their incredible demands, and to punish the city on account 
of refusal to comply with them. '\^'l]en a factional leader preys upon a starving city 
to compel obedience to his decrees by inciting outla\try, and at the same time uses 
means to prevent the city from being supplied with food, a situation is created which 
it is impossible for the United States to contemplate longer with patience. Conditions 
have become intolerable and can no longer be endiu^ed. 

On May 7 , 1915, the Brazilian minister, under No. 174, cabled the 
Secretary of State at Washington, his opening sentence being: 

I have been requested by the American Society of Mexico and International Com- 
mittee to transmit to you the following document * * *: 

The capital (Mexico City) ia suffering a lingering death * * *. 

The Washington Goverriment two months ago renewed its advice that its residents 
leave Mexico, with the suggestion from Gen. Carranza that other foreigners also leave 
Mexico City; unfortunately there has been no way open to act upon the advice since 
it was given - * *. Three travelers were shot last week while trying to get from 
this city to Pachuca, 50 miles away * * *. Censorship of commercial and private 
telegrams by the conventionalist authorities here and also the Carrancistas at Vera 
Cruz is so strong that residents can not explain to relatives or correspondents abroad 
either their situation or theii' actions * * * and this interference with cable- 
grams renders difficult or impossible the arrangement of maturing obligations such aa 
life insm'ance premimns. * * * 

Hope is expressed among foreigners here that special representatives from the 
United States who are attached to particular chiefs, may not be deterred by excessive 
desires to maintain agreeable relations with these leaders from fm-nishing the Wash- 
ington Government with complete occurrences and impartial reports of what actually 
transpires in their locality. 

CARRANZA AND THE RED CROSS. 

Practically the first act of Carranza after his recognition in October, 
1915, was the demand by him, acceded to by the United States, that 
the American Red Cross should get out of Mexico. (See The Amer- 
ican Red Cross Magazine, November, 1915, issue, pp. 349 et seq.) 



46 AFFAIKS Ilsr MEXICO. 

SECOND AND THIRD ATTACK ON FLAG. COMPARE WITH HUERTA INCI- 
DENT. 

In the early part of 1916, Americans were ordered to leave Tampico, 
the instructions being transmitted through Claude I, Dawson, Amer- 
ican consul: 

American Consular Service, 

Tampico, Mexico, June 24, 1918. 
To xvhom it may concern: 

American citizens are hereby urged to leave for the United States without any 
further delay, and to this end they should heed the suggestions to be made by the 
bearer hereof. 

Claude I. Dawson, 

Amei'ican Consul. 
[Instnictiorr. 

Advise people American consul has ordered all Americans to leave immediately, 
and state that you think no protection will be accorded those who remain. This 
includes men, women, and children. 

In carrying out these instructions the U. S. S. Marietta, under 
command of Capt. Scott, had its boat and also a boat secured from 
a civilian vessel, but manned by sailors of the Marietta, assisting in 
the removal of imperiled American citizens. 

This boat was nred upon by Carranza soldiers under Gen. Nafar- 
rate and the sailors returned the fire. This was about June 24. 
. On June 15, at Mazatlan, on the west coast; the U. S. S. Annapolis 
sent her boat to the wharf at Mazatlan for the purpose of reaching 
the American consul with a message; there were no arms in sight 
but the boat was flying the American flag, the men were in uniform, 
and accompanied by two officers. When the boat ran alongside 
the pier the officers were met by Mexicans, one of them in uniform, 
and were invited to land. Upon stepping ashore they were imme- 
diately seized, conducted to a jail and imprisoned; the Mexican officer 
ordered the boat to land, but one of the American officers directed 
the sailors to "push off," which was done, but it was fired upon 
and one of the sailors was killed. 

The sailors "broke out" their arms, which were concealed in the 
boat, and returned the fire. The officers were later released through 
the intercession of, and were guided on their way to the wharf by^ 
a native Mexican woman who was married to an American. 

The commanding officer of the Annapolis "in. view of the policy 
of noninterference on shore," withheld the fire of his battery from 
protectmg his boat. 

A report of the matter was made by Admiral Winslow to the 
department. 

The admiral made no protest nor requested any apology or explana- 
tion, but the entire matter was referred to the department. 

In view of Admiral Mayo's experience acquired when his boat was insulted at 
TampicQ * * * it was considered proper to leave that to the department. 

See testimony of Admiral William B. Caperton and testimony of 
Commander A. T. Beauregard, part 22, pages 3203 and 3216. 

In his message to .the Congress of the United States concerning 
the Admiral Mayo-Tampico incident of April 20, which incident is 
referred to in the testimony cited, the President refers to Gen. 
Huerta's apology and to his explanation that "Martial law obtained 



AFFAIES IN MEXICO. 47 

at the time at Tampico; that orders had been issued that no one 
should be allowed to land at Iturbide bridge." The President says: 

Our naval commanders at the port had not been notified of any such prohibition ; 
and, even if they had been, the only justifiable course open to the local authorities 
would have been to request the paymaster and his crew to withdraw and to lodge a 
protest with the commanding officer of the fleet. 

Again, in the same message, ''If we are to accept the tests of its 
own constitution it [llexico] has no government." (Exactly the 
same constitution (if any) existed in April, 1914, as existed in June, 
1916, and except by totally unconstitutional decree of Carranza no 
effort was made to change this constitution until January, 1917.) 

It is true that we had not recognized and declined to recognize 
the government of Huerta when the first Tampico incident occurred ; 
it is also true that we had granted de facto recognition to Carranza 
prior to June, 1916. 

The facts are that we demanded a salute to our flag by Huerta, 
whom we had not recognized, and failed to demand a salute or 
apology from Carranza whom we had recognized. 

MEXICAN ELECTIONS. 

So-called elections were held in municipalities and in some portions 
of some of the States of Mexico after Carranza was recognized, and 
among others an election for constitutional delegates or ''a congress 
to adopt a constitution," was held. 

Among those who were excluded from voting at any elections 
were (and are) : 

I . Those who by any 'means undertook the overthrow of the lawful Government of 
the Republic, emanated from the elections of 1911. (Madero election.) 

II. Those who carried out the barrack uprising (cuartelazo) in 1913, or in any 
manner contributed to its realization. 

III. The functionaries, authorities, and public employees emanated from the 
usurping government; and those who, having emanated from the lawful Government 
sanctioned and collaborated, in an effective manner, in sustaining the usurper. 

IV. Those who have figured actively in any of the factions opposing the constitu- 
tionalist government, or who continue to be hostile to the present Government of the 
Republic. 

V. Those who economically, through the press or in any other manner duly verified 
aided or have stated their adhesion or sympathy with the usurping government or 
factions hostile to the present Government. 

It may be interesting to recite here that the so-called Carranza. 
revolution received its support from Villa, Zapata, Obregon, Pablo 
Gonzalez, Eulalio Gutierrez, Antonio I. Villarreal, etc. 

That later a convention was held for the selection of a President 
under an agreement solemnly entered into by Carranza himself. 

That the convention elected Gutierrez, and that in the fighting 
which inevitably followed Carranza's refusal- to abide by the results, 
Obregon and Gonzalez sided with Carranza, while others claiming 
themselves to be original Constitutionalists, fought under the banner 
of the convention. 

That therefore in all elections there were excluded from voting 
those who had supported the Diaz government. 

Those who had supported the Madero government; those who had 
supported Huerta; those who had supported Carranza himself. 

Those who had upheld the convention decision ; and all those who 
had had nothing to do with politics in any form or manner, unless 



48 AEFAIES IIT MEXICO. 

at the particular time of each election the particular voter or candi- 
date could prove to the satisfaction of a Carranza election official 
that said "voter or candidate was at that moment an unqualified 
supporter of Carranza and ready to bear or bearing arms in. defense 
of his so-called government. 

In view of the fact that of a population of 15,000^000 never more 
than 200,000 have taken active interest in the affairs of Mexico since 
the overthrow of Diaz, it can readily be seen that those who are 
entitled to aiid allowed to vote constitute rather a small number. 

In this connection it might be of interest to recall that in the split 
between Carranza personally with his immediate followers and the 
convention and its followers, the Madero family opposed Carranza 
and upheld the convention, and that Raul Madero, brother of the 
deceased President, was a general in Villa's army fighting Carranza, 
while another brother, Emilio, was an officer in the same army. 

peesident's statement of satisfactory assueances of peotec- 

Tioisr of ameeicans. 

In the message of the President of the United States of February 
17, 1916, the President states to the Congress that satisfactory assur- 
ances have been received from Carranza that he would protect Ameri- 
can citizens, pay American claims for damages, and recognize American 
rights and protect American property. 

In addition to protesting against the actions of Obregon, Carranza 
followers, and others m the City of Mexico, Veracruz, and at other 
places, it immediately became necessary for this Government to con- 
tinue the protests after the recognition of Carranza, as it had made 
protests prior to his recognition, against arbitrary decisions and acts 
affecting the property rights of American citizens. 

For example, on elune 29, 1914, Secretary Bryan cabled a protest 
against the refusal of Carranza, whose forces were then in charge at 
Tampico, to accept constitutional currency, that is, his own currency, 
and in any event against his refusal to accept New York exchange at 
prevailing rates, for bar dues, etc. (See Department of State records, 
pt. 21, pp. 3119.) 

On July 10, 1914, Secretary Bryan called attention to Carranza's 
own decree " making it obligatory upon officials as well as the public to 
accept constitutionalist currency," and insisting that Carranza should 
accept currency tendered him in payment of dues, etc. The Car- 
ranza authorities continued to refuse, and apparently had their way. 

On January 19, 1916, Lansmg protested against tne proposed con- 
fiscation decree — 

providing for the nationalization of petroleum, which * * * would affect most 
seriously the interests of numerous American citizens and other foreigners who have 
heretofore engaged in the business of producing and selling petroleum in Mexico. 

Point out to Gen. Carranza in unequivocal terms the dangerous situation which 
might result from the issuance of any decree of a confiscatory natm-e. 

This is the first of the series of protests against confiscatory decrees, 
which protests, as will be disclosed by reference to copies of the 
official documents published m connection with this report, it has 
been necessary to reiterate in one form or another to the very day 
of the recent overthrow of the Carranza Government. 



AFFAIES IE" MEXICO. 49 

PROTESTS AGAINST MEXICAN CONSTITUTION, 1917. 

In January, 1917, tlie so-called constitutional convention, or con- 
gress for the drawing of a constitution, was in session in Queretaro, 
Mexico. 

The delegates to this convention had been selected under the sys- 
tem of free and universal suffrage just hereinbefore described. 

The constitution which they adopted, or formulated, was pre- 
tended to be submitted to and has been pretended to have l)een 
adopted by the different States of the Union. 

Except as this constitution was submitted to Carranza appointees 
and officials, and adopted by certain Carranza adherents under thi-eat 
of Carranza guns in some particular districts in some particular States 
of the Union, such pretension of ratification was a fraud upon its 
face, as established by uncontrovertible evidence in these hearings 
and is a notorious fact to all Mexicans. 

This constitution so illegally formulated was signed on January 31. 
1917, and promulgated on February 5 of that year. 

On January 22, 1917, Charles Parker, Esq,, '' representing American 
interests," Queretaro, Mexico, was addressed an official communica- 
tion, signed "L," and bearing No. 621, (See pt. 21, pp, 3121.) 

Among other things, the Secretary of State of the United States 
calls attention to the provisions of article 27 of the proposed consti- 
tution and criticizes same by paragraphs; he also refers to article 28, 
article 33, and to the proposed constitution generally. 

At the time of this particular protest, strenuous and imperative 
as it was, article 27 of the constitution, in all its naked and anar- 
chistic provisions, had not been agreed to and was not before the Sec- 
retary of State, The protest of that official representing the United 
States Government did not even receive the courtesy of an answer 
from Carranza, in so far as our records show, and in the face of the 
protest article 27 was amended by making it very much more objec- 
tionable than was the form before the Secretary when he cabled. 

Among other things the Secretary in this protest says: 

The Government of the United States has in the past made clear, as doubtless 
ha\ e other nations, that it can not concede the right of Mexico to limit, by its munic- 
ipal law, this Government's rights of intervention to protect the rights of its citizens 
residing or sojourning in. that country, nor concede that waivers such as those referred 
to in this provision can annul the relations of citizens to their own government and 
extinguish the obligations of this Government to protect its citizens in Mexico. In 
so far as the proposed pro^^.sion would hamper the transfer to another foreigner of 
foreign-owned lands, it would apparently in a sense be confiscatory of rights enjoyed 
by the foreign owner from the time of his acquisition of the property. 

Paraphrase: 

You are instinicted to bring the foregoing immediately to the attention of Gen. 
CaiTanza and state that the provisions above mentioned seem to indicate a proposed 
policy toward foreigners which is fraught with possible grave consequences affecting 
the commercial and political relations of Mexico with other nations. . Further, that 
the American Government can not acciuiesce in any direct confiscation of foreign- 
owned properties in ]\Iexico or indirect confiscation. You ■will bring to the attention 
of Gen. C arranza the department's earnest desire that he give these matters his care- 
ful consideration with a ^lew to avoiding the possibility of the disturbance of hitherto 
pleasant relations existing between the two Governments, and with a view to avoid- 
ing future serious difliculties under the proposed, constitution with any government 
organized under it. 

S. Kept. 645, 66-2 4 



50 APFAIKS IN MEXICO. v 

Following this protest Ambassador Fletcher left the United States 
and arrived in Mexico City on February 19. He at once proceeded 
to the Mexican foreign office before presenting his credentials to 
Carranza at Queretaro, and following his visit cabled, answering the 
department's telegram of February 19: 

Minister for foreign affairs stated that lie bas no knowledge of any decree affecting 
the rights of foreigners to real estate or mines to which such foreigners already have 
clear title ■^' * *. He further stated that the legislation emanating from the new 
constitution with respect to property rights would , in his opinion , in no -nise prejudice 
present property rights and at the same time called attention to article of new con- 
stitution which provides that no laws may be made retroactive. 

Fletcher then proceeded to Queretaro and presented his creden- 
tials to Carranza on March 3. 

The Mexican Congress has never yet, up to the present date, 
passed legislation carrying out the provisions of the constitution of 
Mexico with reference to oil properties or other properties of for- 
eigners — that is, article 27 or what we know as the confiscatory 
clauses of the constitution. 

Carranza from time to time issued decrees of infinite variety, 
threatening and attemptmg to confiscate American properties; but 
yet, on August 2, 1917, Fletcher wires that American companies need 
have no uneasiness, " that it is not the intention of the Mexican Gov- 
ernment to take over properties now in exploitation," and distinctly 
stated that there would be no confiscation of these properties. Again 
followed protests from the United States concerning different decrees, 
as, for instance, January 23, 1918, and January 27, 1918. 

On April 4, 1918, our department was compelled to say: 

This Government, acting on behalf of American citizens who have expended large 
sums of money in securing petroleum lands in Mexico, and who placed their reliance, 
as they were justified in doing, on the Mexican laws granting ownership of deposits 
under the surface to the owners of the surface, protests emphatically and solemnly 
against the petroleiun decree, declaring it to be an act of despoliation and confiscation, 
and in the premises reserves all rights. 

On April 2, 1918, Fletcher, in obedience to instructions, had 
already entered "this formal and solemn protest of the Government 
of the United States against the violation or infringement of legiti- 
mately acquired American private property rights involved in the 
enforcement of said decree." 

A year and ten days after Fletcher's cablegram to the department 
of Carranza's assurance that no confiscation would be attempted, 
Lansing, among other things, cabled: 

And to further direct Your Excellency's attention to the necessity which may arise, 
in order to protect the property of its citizens in Mexico, divested or injuriously 
affected, by the said decrees, to impel the United States to protect the property of its 
citizens. 

Fletcher under date of August 3, 1918, conveyed to the Secretary 
of State Mr. Carranza's claim that his decrees were only fiscal and 
temporary, later to be followed by legislation which was in the 
province of Congress. 

Carranza stated that if the difficulty could not be settled except by war or inter- 
vention, he was sorry but was prepared to confront this alternative. 

We, of course, "backed off" and continued to talk. 

On August 14 Carranza refused to postpone his decrees. 



AFFAIRS IlSr MEXICO. 51 

On August 17, 1918, Mr. E. Garza Perez, subsecretary "by reason 
of the illness of the secretary of state for foreign affairs," to Henry P. 
Fletcher, American ambassador, stated: 

The Mexican Government believes it necessary to state that it vdll not accept the 
interference of any foreign power * * * and that it Avill not admit any proceeding- 
which under the pretext of protection to foreign interests wounds the national decorum 
or impairs the exercise of its sovereignty. 

On March 18, 1919, the secretary again protested "against Mexi- 
can petroleum decrees." 

April 16, 1919, another protest, and on the same date another, and 
in answer to these latter protests the Mexican Government among 
other things curtly announced that the "protests of foreign nations 
can not suspend the effects of laws issued by the Government of 
another nation." 

On June 18, 1919, another protest was forwarded entering "a 
vigorous protest as threatenirig to confiscate rights which its citizens 
have legally acquired," and — 

You will simultaneously make reservation of rights for damages in behalf of 
American citizens whose interests are jeopardized by said decrees. 

On October 1, 1919, again protesting, our State Department 
cabled Mexico : 

In this view of the matter the Government of the United States, owing as it does, to 
its citizens the duty of protecting them in foi'eign lands, both in their persons and 
their property rights, must strongly protest against the action of the Mexican Govern- 
ment as outlined above and characterize it as threatening confiscation and a denial 
of justice. 

The State Department expresses the hope that, pending the general 
settlement of this question and specific legislation by the Mexican 
Congress, the administrative authorities of Mexico vdll respect the 
rights of American citizens and will withdraw its insistence that they 
comply v/ith the provisions of the decrees. 

It must be again emphasized that no legislation has as yet been 
enacted by the Mexican Congress, but that all these protests are 
brought forth by insistence upon Carranza's decrees. 

On January 9, 1917, we protested against a "further decree" re- 
quirmg renouncement of citizenship by foreigners acquiring property 
in Mexico. 

On January 31 we again announced the same position. 

On December 5, 1918, the acting American consul at Nogales, 
Ariz., forwarded the department a copy of the proposed agrarian 
law for the State of Sonora, and on the 24th we protested that there 
was no provision for compensation for the taldng over of American 
property under this law. 

The American consul at Nogales was notified of this protest to 
Mexico. 

We again protested on March 21, 1919. 

On July 16, 1919, we learned that the legislature of Sonora had 
adopted the law, and earnestly protested and urged that prompt 
action be taken to prevent the coming. into force of this measure 
threatening American interests. 

The law was adopted and promulgated on July 3, 1919, to be 
effective July 27, 1919. 

On August 14, we protested on the ground that the law was 
ambiguous: that the provisions fixing value violates article 117 of 



52 AEFAIES IlSr MEXICO. 

the Mexican constitution; that the measure provides for the taking 
of property "by purely arbitrary administrative action"; * * * 
^'which violates article 14 of the Mexican constitution"; etc., and 
we said in closing: 

That the Mexican Government is hereby advised that the American Government 
will be forced to take up this question with the Mexican Government, * * * in 
Ihe event that absolute and even-handed justice is denied American citizens. 

We also protested directly through the consul to the governor of 
the State of Sonora, and this gentleman delivered us an answer 
covering 11 typewritten pages. 

The evidence of Bracey Curtis and others, part 12, page 1833, is 
to the effect that in a personal interview with the governor of Sonora, 
the latter stated in effect that: ''I have not put the law in effect. 
How are you hurt?" 

This governor of the State of Sonora, to whom we have addressed 
these protests, is Adolfo de la Huerta; now, on the 25th day of May, 
by virtue of a declaration of some of the members of the Mexican 
Congress, announced to the world as the President of the Republic of 
Mexico. 

The official notes of the United States Government to Mexico, with 
reference to all these matters, as well a,s to the Jenkms case, are 
printed in part 21 of the evidence, etc., taken by this committee. 

JENKINS CASE. 

With reference to the Jenkins case it can not be too strongly 
emphasized to your committee and through you to the American 
people, that tne statement of Carranza that the Jenkins case is in the 
hands of the State authorities and that his government could not 
interfere, is a statement not only calculated but deliberately intended 
to mislead the American people. 

Of course, taking the statement as true and at its face value, 
Ajnericans respectmg our form of gorernment thought that possibly 
Mexico might be correct in the position which she assumed. 

Carranza knew all the facts, as did every one of his sympathizers 
and supporters, mcluding those who have recently overthrown him. 

The governor of the State of Puebla is the brother of Luis Cabrera, 
recently secretary of the treasury of Mexico. He was appomted as 
governor and later came to be ''elected" through the farcical returns 
made by his own officials and under the "free suffrage" proclamation 
heretofore referred to. 

The State of Puebla had and yet has a constitution, safely laid 
away, and by Mr. Cabrera never lugged into sight. 

By the provisions of this constitution judges must be elected; 
Cabrera had so httle regard for even the forms of the constitution 
that he cUd not attempt to have the judge declared elected, but 
simply appointed one himself. 

The constitution provides that no judge shall hold office who is 
not a citizen or resident of the State of Puebla. "Gov." Cabrera 
appointed a citizen and resident of the State of Jahsco. 

In answer to a question as to this procedure, he justified his actions 
by stating that the legislature had suspended the constitution and 
laws and vested him with all power. And this is the man behind 



AFFAIRS Iisr MEXICO. 53 

whom Carranza has hidden and chuckled, while defying the United 
States and sending us communications calculated and intended to 
deceive the American people; meanwhile he worked his sweet will 
with an American citizen whom the testimony in the case shows to 
be of the highest character, and whose property the wolves of Car- 
ranza and Cabrera's selection and appointment are seeking to, and 
devouring. 

CARRANZA PRO-GERMAN AND CENTRAL AMERICAN PLOTS. 

As disclosed by the evidence in these hearings, Carranza and all 
his follower were pro-German during the war, and he directly, with 
certain of his followers, including Obregon, were interested in stir- 
ring up strife' trouble, and revolution in the countries to the south 
of Mexico; seeldng to overthrow the established Governments of 
Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, and through the assistance of one 
or two other States form a Latin-American Union with Mexico 
against the United States of America. (See testimony of C. E. Jones, 
Admiral Caperton, Commander Beauregard, and other evidence, pts. 
20 and 22, pp. 2889, 3203 and 3216.) 

The Carranza government was prosecuting a war against the 
United States dming the period immediately prior and subsequent 
to Carranza's recognition by this country. 

In pursuing the ''plan of San Diego," American men, women, and 
children were killed in Texas inside the international boundary, 
American citizens driven from home, and American soldiers attacked 
and murdered at night. (See the testimony taken at San Antonio, 
Tex., pt. 8 of these hearings ; also see note of Secretary Lansing, June 
20, 1916, printed in pt. 8, pp. 1215 et seq., with note, "The report of 
the Secretary of State has my approval," signed " Woodrow Wilson.") 

INTERFERENCE BY DEPARTMENTS THIS GOVERNMENT TRIAL VILLA 

COLUMBUS MURDERERS. 

The Pershing expedition went into Mexico with the announced and 
sole purpose of the capture of Pancho ViUa and his fiends who were 
engaged with him in the massacre of Americans on American soil in 
the State of New Mexico, on March 9, 1916. Some of those engaged 
with ViUa in this massacre were wounded and captured at Columbus; 
they were indicted in Luna County, N, Mex., for murder, and when 
ready to be tried a representative of the Department of Justice pre- 
sented to the presiding judge a telegraphic request or suggestion from 
the War Department and Department of Justice of the United 
States that such trial should be postponed upon the ground that it 
might ca,use complications with Mexico. 

The Supreme Court of Texas decided that Carranza was at war 
with the United States at this time, while this judge ruled against the 
contention of these murderers at Columbus, and that there was no 
state of war existing. (See testimony of Judge E. L. Medler, pt. 10, 
pp. 1647 et seq.) 



54 ~ APFAIES Il^r MEXICO. 

CARRIZAL MASSACRE AND WIHDRAWAL AMERICAN FORCES THERE. 

About .the middle of June, 1916, while Pershing was yet in Mexico^ 
a message was received by that general from Gen. Jacinto Trevino, 
of the Mexcian Army, notifying Pershing to the effect that he should 
not move his troops south, east, or west. 

Gen. Pershing immediately replied to the effect that he would 
move his troops in whatsoever direction pleased him and would only 
take orders from his own Government and that if he were attacked 
by Gen. Trevino's forces .he would immediately attack Trevino with 
his entire military strength. 

Within a -day or two Pershing's expedition at Carrizal, under 
command of Capts. Boyd and Morey, and Lieut. Adair, were attacked 
by Trevino's forces at that place; Boyd and Adair were killed; 
about 15 colored troopers were killed, and several made prisoners. 

Maj. Gen. Robert L. Howze, United States Army, in •command 
of about 300 mounted troops, made his way to Santo Domingo 
Ranch within 9 miles of the battlefield at Carrizal, and rescued Capt, 
Morey and several of the troopers who had been wounded in the fight. 

Testifying before this committee. Gen. Howze states that he then 
had 300 mounted troops within 9 miles of the battlefield," and, in 
answer to the question "Did you feel competent to 'deal with the 
situation as it existed at and around Carrizal with the troops you 
then had?" he answered "Yes." 

'^- "Without being allowed to go to Carrizal he returned to Casas 
Grandes under orders. The bodies of the dead at Carrizal were 
recovered by civilians sent down from El Paso by Gen. Bell. (See 
testimony George Turner, colored trooper, pt. 12, p. 1561; testimony 
of Maj. Gen. Howze, j)t. 12, p. 1568.) 

Following this Carrizal massacre Secretary Lansing addressed his 
note to Carranza criticizing him in the severest terms. (See pt. 
8, p. 1215.) 

We attempted to adjust matters with Mexico through a conference 
between Gen. Hugh Scott and Gen. Obregon at El Paso. The result 
was "nil." 

We agreed then to the appointment of a committee with three 
Mexicans and three Americans to discuss matters of difference. 
This committee met and conferred for some time. The Mexican 
members refused positively to discuss any differences until American 
troops were removed from Mexican soil. 

Pershing was ordered out and — the committee adjourned without 
settling any difierences. 

Von Eckhardt was on such terms with Carranza that he could 
convey the Zimmerman note to Mexico, suggesting that Mexico 
should secure the assistance of the Japanese in a co«,lition against the 
United States, and should take over by conquest Texas. New Mexico, 
and Arizona. 

This was exactly the old "plan of San Dies:o." 

MEXICAN I. W. W. AGITATION IN THE UNITED STATES. 

Under this plan Mexican laborers and others at Bisbee, Ariz., and 
at different points along the border of the United States and in 
different mining camps were stating to other Mexicans upon this 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 55 

side that sooner or later they would take over the border States and 
return them to Mexico. (See testimony of Capt. Harry Wheeler, 
pt. 12, p. 1873, et seq.) 

Thus agitations developing along radical lines in Bisbee continued 
and are yet continuing. 

On December 13, 1919, the Army Intelligence reported that: 

The radical movement reported last week as being fostered in northern Sonora by 
Juan Farrel, Jesus Palnia, and Arnulfo Cardenas, is said to be extending north of the 
international line into the United States. Delegates from this organization have 
been preaching communism and Bolshevism among the miners on properties in 
Arizona. At one mine, the Trea de Mayo, situated 13 miles northeast of Nogales, 
Ariz., and 5 or 6 miles north of the international line, the appearance of these agitators 
resulted in such intolerable insolence on the part of the miners, and such threats of 
invasion from the Mexican side of the border, that the subdistrict commander at 
Nogales posted a Cavalry patrol in the neighborhood. This action quieted the agita- 
tion materially. 

Another hot-bed of radicalism is said to be in northern Coahuila. Bolshevist 
agitators operating in that region have made the Sabinas mines their headquarters; 
laborers there do not deny their Bolsheviki affiliations. This organization is said to 
have sent delegates to a number of Texas towns, notably El Paso, Marfa, Alpine, 
Del Rio, Eagle Pass, San Antonio, Laredo, BrownsAdlle, and Galveston. 

The committee, from evidence in its possession, some of which has 
been given publicity, are convinced that Mr. Carranza and some of 
his advisers sought to take advantage of the recent strike of coal 
miners in the United States following the labor troubles in the steel 
industry; and the correspondence and papers, while they may be 
found in other portions of the printed testimony, are again set forth 
here as follows, to wit: 

[Translation.] 

v. C. Mexico, June 14, 1919. 

Senor Lie. Manuel Aguirre Berlanga. 

Esteemed Friend: Senor Lino Caballo, bearer of this letter, is the person who, in 
company with two friends, will bring to you the manifestos and the plan which they 
desii'e to put into practice in the State of Texas. 

This plan being very favorable for Mexico, please aid them in every way and give 
the necessary insti-uctions in the frontier States. 

I remain, your affectionate friend, 

V. Carranza. 



[Translation.] 
V. C. Mexico, August 19, 1919. 

Licentiate Manuel Aguirre Berlanga. 

Esteemed Friend: The present (letter) will be handed you by Mr. Juan N. Garcia 
and the two fi'iends from Texas who accompany him and, in accordance with our con- 
versation, please give them the guaranties they request as well as the pecuniary 
elements they desire. 

I remain, affectionately, your friend, 

V. Carranza. 



Num. 975, Words 20, Charges official. H. D. 9.30 a. m. 

From Mexico, F. D., National Palace, July 5, 1919. 

To Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, via Federal (lines). 

Mr. Melquiades Garcia, consul of Mexico; residence, Mexican Consulate, Laredo, Tex. 

Chapultepec 3. Please deliver to Mr. Lino Caballo the sum of HGVRO. PNFTS 
dollars, according to credentials he will present to you. I greet you. 

V. Carranza. 

No. 975. 10.40 a. m. F. R. C. 



56 ATFAIKS IN MEXICO. 

No. 1269. Words 25. Charges official H. D. 10.15 a. m. 
From Mexico, F. D., National Palace, July 5, 1919. 
To Niievo Laredo Tamaulipas, via Federal (lines). Urgent. 
Mr. Lino Caballo, residence, Hotel Vega. . 

Your telegram No. 25 dated in Lampasas to tlie President. Mexican consul in 
Laredo, Tex., already has orders to furnish you amount you indicate. 1 salute j^ou 
affectionately. 

Baragan. 

No. 1269, 11.45 a. m. F. R. C. 



Mexico City, Dispatch No. 5. 
Inclosure No. 1. 

My Dear * * *: Notwithstanding the extravagant and imrestrained character 
of my information I have pleasure in sending you, in accordance with your desire 
expressed during our recent conversation, the notes taken by a secret agent at a meeting 
held here on the 15th instant by Lodge 23 of the agitators and extremists who, includiag 
several I. W. W. agents, form in this city their plans of bolshe^dk character. 

It seems that three delegates, two Americans and one Mexican, having arrived from 
the United States and presented themseh'-es at the meeting, claimed that ' ' the society " 
would be able at the beginning of next November to call a general strike of all miners 
and metal workers in the United States, that they have 3,000,000 adherents in that 
coimtry where they will be able to seize one western and two Atlantic ports. They 
declare that a large number of American soldiers are preparing to take sides with 
them, that in a town of Colorado they will establish the capital of the reformed Gov- 
ernment of the United States. It was stated further that handbills printed in Spanish 
would be sent from New York to Laredo by special carrier, announcing to ^Mexicans 
that the territory taken by the ITnited States would be retm-ned if the Mexican people 
agreed to join them. It was also stated that the strike, with many inducements, will 
be extended later to Mexico by those who join in the revolution in the LTnited States. 

As I have mentioned to you, the preposterous character of these statements does not 
appear to recommend credence. 

I am, my dear * * * 
Yoiirs, very sincerely, 



[Translated copy of telegrams.] 

Number 958. Words, 28. Value, official. Time, 9.45 a. m. 

From Mexico, D. F., National Palace, Dec. 14, 1919. 

To Nuevo Laredo, Tamps., via Federal. 

Mr. Augustin Garza Peres; residence, Hotel Vega. 

Contents your telegram No. 215 dated Monterrey noted. President states await 
there arrival of Luis N. Morrones, who will give you instructions appropriate actual 
circumstances. Greet you affectionately. 

P. G. Farias, 
Private Secretary of the President. 

No. 958, 11.45 a. m. J. F. 

Number 75. Words, 54. Value, official. Pass No. 1367. Time, 1.20 p. m. 

From Nuevo Laredo, Tamps., December 14, 1919. 

To ]\Iexico, D. F., National Palace, -vi-a Federal. 

Mr. Pedro Gil Farias, private secretary to the President. 

Your superior telegram No. 958. I have talked with Morrones here. He states 
does not deem trip convenient (or proper). Am leaving Tampico, where await 
instructions. Caballo will stop at Monterrey for few days Avith his family (or friends) . 
Greet you respectfully. 

Aqustin Garza Perez. 

No. 76. 1.20 p. m. F. J. 

[From private report to committee.] 

San Antonio, Tex., December 22, 1919. 
Senator Albert B. Fall. 

My Dear Senator: On December 14, 1919, Lino Caballo, Augustin Garza Perez, 
and D. H. Holguin arrived in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, and registered at Hotel Vega 
from Monterrey, and were assigned to room No. 1. Their business was supposed to 
have been to confer with I^uis N. Morrones, who arrived at Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, 



ATFAIES IlSr MEXICO. 57 

on December 12, 1919, and registered at tlie Vega Hotel and was assigned to room 
No. 7. Morrones departed for Mexico City on December 17, 1919. 

On November 8, 1919, Agustin Garza Perez and Antonio Villarreal arrived in 
Laredo, Texas, from El Paso and registered at the Pena Hotel, and left there on 
November 19 for Mexico City. 
Sincerely, 



One of these men, Garcia and various other Mexican agents, have 
been under observation for two years by United States officers and 
reports show the intimate connection of some of them with Mexican 
officials. (See Appendix in Gates testimony, pt. 19, p. 2846.) 

Fantastic and ridiculous as the 'Tlan of San Diego," the Zimmer- 
man proposition, the notes of the meeting of Lodge 23 in the city of 
Mexico, Carranza letters referring to the proposed revolution, may 
appear to the sober people of the United States ; to the Mexican agents 
and I. W. W., they are yet schemes and plans which have been 
seriously contemplated and which we are justffied in saying have not 
been abandoned. 

The Mexican Government, as shown by the testimony of Admiral 
Caperton, has received material for munitions factory from Japan and, 
as is weU. known, has for years been seeking a more or less close 
alliance with that country. 

The committee, of course, do not credit the suggestion that Japan 
itself contemplates any further alliance with Mexico at this time, 
than close trade relations, to secure which she may be wiUing to listen 
to wild suggestions from some enthusiastic hot-blooded Mexican. 
Nevertheless official reports of one of the departments of this Govern- 
ment contain some interesting suggestions which may justify con- 
sideration in connection with other matters contained in the present 
report. 

JAPANESE. 

Information has been received that there are more than 300 Jap- 
anese families established on the Limon Ranch, the million-acre 
property in the Xicotencatl district of Tamaulipas, reported some 
months ago as having been bought with a view to Japanese coloniza- 
tion. Much corn and sugar cane is raised on this land, and traces 
of oil are apparent. 

It is reliably reported that Japanese liners arrive at the port of 
Salina Cruz, Oaxaca, every 10 days; that the Japs enter Mexico 
through that port in increasing numbers every year; that they prac- 
tically control commerce on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. It is 
further intimated that much of the anti-Chinese propaganda so 
widely disseminated along the west coast may be traced to Japanese 
sources; that they are largely responsible for government deporta- 
tion of Chinese from Oaxaca to Chiapas and into Guatemala. 

The Mexican Government has granted a concession to a Japanese 
concern known as the Matsumato Trading Co. of Japan for the ex- 
ploitation of all oil land on either side of the Tamesi River. Two 
representatives of this company, D. K. Komitte and T. A. Iskawa, 
have been in the region for some time inspecting the territory between 
Tampico and Tuxpam. They were also provided with safe conducts 
to go under cover into the Pelaez district with a view to purchasing 
some oil weUs controlled by a Spanish company there. It is further 
reported that this Japanese concern is to finance the construction 
of a railroad between Tampico and Tuxpam. 



58 AFFAIES IF MEXICO. 

Japanese interests are said to be planning to lay a cable from 
Salina Cruz, Oaxaca, to South American ports. In this connection 
attention is called to the information in the weekly report of Novem- 
ber 8, 1919, regarding the virtual Japanese absorption of the Isthmus 
of Tehauntepec country; also reported concessions by the Mexican 
Government to Japanese concerns for the construction of three rail- 
road lines across the isthmus. 

There are also to be found, if necessary, a series of letters and 
correspondence between the Mexican foreign office and one of its 
ministers, one of which is as follows: 

[Translation — Excerpts from letters.] 

Eliseo AiTedondo, from minister of foreign affairs. 

Mexico City, July 20, 1919. 

There is much commercial activity in prospect and great manufacturing movement 
due to the initiative of rich Germans, to whom the government has the "intention of 
lending its decided support. 

Aguilar will ad^dse you how the treaty with Japan is coming along and I remain 
convinced of the great advantage it will biing us for our national integiity. 

MEXICAN ATTACKS ON" PRESIDENT WILSON. 

The committee has given publicity heretofore, through a report 
made to the President of the United States and otherwise, to certain 
documents the authenticity of which can not be disputed, showing 
the attitude of Carranza toward the President of the United States 
of America, as, for instance : 

[Translation. 

Ministry or Foreign Affairs, 

Mexico City, July 6, 1919. 
To His Excellency Eliseo Arredondo, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Mexico in Madrid: 
Yom" note dated the 4th of the past month received. In ^dew of the internal ciisis 
which the United States are experiencing, Wilson's policy is pro voting indignation 
among the parties and the press is attacking the President severely. He goes from 
one blunder to another and shows each day more clearly that he is a perfectly incom- 
petent person. 

If the faikure in Europe were not sufficient, it would be corroborated by the inex- 
pedient notes that we have received from Wasliington and which President Carranza 
has answered with the impertinence those Yankees merit. I see in all this a criminal 
intention to intervene in our country. Time will show me to be right. 

Aguilar. 

[Private correspondence of the President of the United Mexican States.] 

Mexico, D. F., June 29, 1919. 
Miss Hermila Galindo, 

Ignacio Ramirez Street, N'o. 6, City. 
Esteemed Young Lady: It is necessaiy that your book the Carranza Doctrine, be 
finished in a short time, since I desire that you immediately proceed to write a second 
part of it, for which purpose I shall shortly send you a " bluebook, " which we are about 
to publish and wMch will serve to justify the attitude of my Government in its system 
atic hostility toward foreign speculators, especially Americans and English. 

Do not forget my injunction to describe in lively colors the tortuosity of the American 
policy with relation to our country, causing the figure of Wilson to stand well out as 
the director of that policy. I also enjoin you to be very careful about the corrections 
which I have made in the original (manuscript) which you brought me. 
I salute you affectionately, 

V. Carranza. 

These documents are only set forth herein as evidence of the treat- 
ment of this Government and its officials by the Mexican Govern- 
ment and its officials. 



ATFAIKS Ilir MEXICO. 59 

During all the years whiph we have just been discussing — that is, 
from prior to the recognition of Carranza in 1915 to and including 
the present period — American property owners and American citizens 
have been suffering indignities at the hands of Mexicans, while the 
loss of life has reached such proportions finally that the list of inno- 
cent American dead in Mexico, as shown on page A of this report, is 
appalling. 

Your committee have endeavored under the ninth head in this 
general discussion, as shortly as possible, to convey some information 
as dnected as to — 

ANY AND ALL ACTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF MEXICO AND ITS 
CITIZENS IN DEROGATION OF THE RIGHTS OF THE UNITED 
STATES OR OF ITS CITIZENS. 

SUFFERING, STARVATION, DISEASE, AND ANARCHY THROUGHOUT 

MEXICO. 

We will only direct your attention for a few moments in closing 
to conditions as existing among the people of Mexico themselves. 
We have referred to the loss of property and hope that we have shed 
some light upon physical conditions of the so-called Repubhc. 

A reference to the report of Mr. (Exhibit 1) , whose name must 

necessarily be suppressed, attached to and made a part of this report, 
will be found not only enlightening but instructive. The witness 
making this report has been Imown to the chairman of the committee 
for approximately 30 years. He is thoroughly familiar with Mexico, 
having operated and mined in that country for a great many years 
and speaks Spanish with great fluency. 

This report was made at the request of the committee that we 
might have the latest information based upon actual investigation 
extending from the Texas line over the National lines of Mexico to 
the City of Mexico, and back over the Central line and again to the 
American border, with side trips into the different States along the 
route. 

Some of the statements may be considered of such an extravagant 

character as to need corroboration. For instance, Mr. ■ makes 

certain, statements with reference to the prevalence of venereal 
diseases among the population of Mexico at this time. 

The testimony_ of Miss Agnes C. Laut, part 2, page 370, will, while 
more specific in its character, merely serve to corroborate the state- 
ments made in the report referred to. Miss Laut is a writer of 
experience and a cultivated lady, who visited hospitals in the poorer 
districts, slums, and byways of Mexico, for the purpose of ascer- 
taining and reporting to the Christian people of this country true 
conditions in Mexico as she found them. 

At best, the population of Mexico is of slow growth as compared 
with that of other nations, largely because of the character of the 
different populations of the country and the fact that in the outlying 
districts there is little sanitation and are to be found but few physi- 
cians. The consequence is that while the estimated population 
in 1827 was approximately 7,500,000, the largest estimate which 
has ever been placed upon it since has been only 15,000,000. Of 
course it is impossible to say definitely now, as it always has been, 
what the population of Mexico really is. 



60 AFFAIKS IE" MEXICO. 

From the testimony of various witnesses, as well as that of Mr. 

Henry Lane Wilson and Mr. , it is undoubtedly the fact that 

since 1910 the total population of Mexico, as of that date, has very 

materially decreased. Mr. 's estimate of that decrease at 

5,000,000 out of the total may be exaggerated, but to those who know 
Mexico as he does, few would dare to contradict his statement. 

For 10 years a new generation of boys has been reaching the age 
of 18 each year; each of those boys of the first period, that is to say, 
1911, would now be 27 years of age and for 9 years will have known 
nothing but force and license and outlawry and robbery and violence 
and rape and rapine. 

It was said 8 years ago that in the rural districts of practically 
every State in the Union, there remained not a girl over the age of 
10 years, who had not been ravished by some marauder or bandit or 
soldier. 

Thousands of Mexicans among the poorer classes have sought 
refuse in the United States for the past 10 years, for the purpose of 
gaining a livelihood and escaping starvation in their owti country. 

Within 60 days ;prior to the middle of March of this year, 1920, 
there crossed the river at the international bomidary line between 
Eagle Pass and Brownsville, Tex., such large numbers of Mexicans 
that it was impossible for the immigration and custom oflS.cials, aided 
by the State officials, to keep accurate account of their number. 
From the best evidence obtainable by the committee (see pt. 14, pp. 
2142 to 2164, testimony of various witnesses) the estimate upon this 
number, placed by those who were accustomed to, and whose business 
it was to handle Mexican labor, was that during this period 75,000 
Mexicans from the central Mexican States of Michoacan, Guanajuato, 
and Jahsco, with some from Guerrero, came into the United States 
between the points mentioned. 

The committee had the assistance of Government border officials, 
inspectors, etc. ; of the Texas Rangers and of employment agents in 
interviewing these Mexicans, in the endeavor to ascertain the cause 
of their immigration from Mexico. 

The miiversal story was that of famine, starvation, robbery, and 
outrage at the hands of their own people, both of Carrancistas and 
of those in revolution, who are always denominated by the Mexican 
poorer class as the "Villistas." The only difference, in so far as the 
testimony shows, in the treatment received by the poor of Mexico is 
that the "ViUistas" left them a little something to eat while the 
Carrancistas took it all. 

Rumblings of the present revolution also had evidently been heard 
by these people and many of them state they were tired of fighting 
and gave this as one reason for their immigration. All, however, 
had one story in common: Crops attempted to be raised were seized 
by bandits, and in many instances, wantonly destroyed by turning 
horses or other animals into the field, or even by burniQg the crops 
upon the ground. 

This is hard for civihzed people to realize, but yet if you turn to the 
testimony of one of your committees, taken in 1912, reincorporated 
part 17, page 2616, these hearings (testimony of Charles Smith), 
you will find evidence that even at that date different bands going 
"through the country did not attempt to discriminate between fighting 
men and noncombatants, and that every little village was considered 



AFFAIES llSr MEXICO. 61 

a fair object of loot, the women the pla3^things to be taken to camp 
and dropped by the roadside as another little village is reached, 
where another supply of women and loot might be obtained. 

Again this condition throws light upon the interesting subject of 
Mexico's population; that it is a fact that it is not a homogeneous 
people and Mexico not a nation but a population of different tribes 
with nothing, or little, in common bet^veen the different localities. 

Again as to this and other like conditions, refer to the testimony 
of Harry C. Donoho, part 14, page 2130. 

This is the story of June, 1919; a two days' trip horseback from 
San Fernando to Tuxpam, the richest agricultural district in southern 
Mexico : 

We rode for two days through absohitely the richest agricultiiral district in Mexico, 
"with the prettiest little farms one could imagine, and passed village after village and 
corn fields where everything had been burned, and every time we would come to a 
little farm house or little village I would go up and try to arouse some one, and during 
that entire two days ride we didn't see a single solitary soul. * * * 

In the Balcazar district, over near Tanhuijo, I found the Government had posted 
notices, adopting the plan of Weyler in Cuba, a concentration camp. Balcazar is 
also a rich agricultural district, * * * orders were that if the men were found 
outside the camp of Balcazar they would be hunted down and shot as rebels and they 
were not even permitted to plant their corn and their people were on the verge of 
starvation. * * * 

I saw three women killed at El Hijo when the Carrancistas came in there. At the 
town of Anona the Carranciatas gathered all the old women and little children and 
told them to leave the city, to go into the mountains, that they were going to burn 
the city; they gathered the young women and girls up in a group, between ].20 and 
130, and took these girls and young women and delivered them over to the Carranza 
garrison at Los Naranjos, and the town was burned. 

This witness is testifying as an eyewitness. 

Again to the testimony of Mr. — , part 16, page 2459 : 

We rode up * * * and called for some water. A woman answered that they 
had water but had no clothes and could not bring it out to us. 

During the same trip we saw a dozen people waiting around a sick cow until she 
died, and the owner skinned her; then they cut up and ate the meat. I asked them 
if they were not afraid to do it and they answered that they had as well die from bad 
meat as to starve to death. The people away from mining camps eat lizards, toads, 
burro meat, and anything they can get. 

Reports in the State Department will verify the evidence of eye- 
witnesses as reported by your committee. 

Mexico is without a government except as the form changes and 
one person or another, by force of arms, claims to represent a gov- 
ernment. 

The people of Mexico, that is, that great voiceless, submerged, in- 
articulate mass, the "80 per cent" whom President Wilson saw from 
the platform at Indianapolis several years since, are inarticulate ex- 
cept when they reach civilization on this side of the line and seek 
work from supposedly despised Americans, that they may live and 
hope to send back a few dollars with which to rescue their families 
from starvation. 

Their condition has grown worse from day to day, month to month, 
and year to year, and for 1 years the United States of America, that 
great Christian civilized Nation of the world, has stood by "fiddling" 
while Mexico burned. 



WHAT, IF ANY, MEASURES SHOULD BE TAKEN TO PREVENT A 
RECURRENCE OF SUCH OUTRAGES, ETC. 

When this committee was appointed — and until it was complet- 
ing its investigations along the international border, March 29 — 
Carranza was the President of Mexico. 

Since that time Carranza has been overthrown, by an armed 
revolution durmg which he is reported to have met his death. 

Carranza had been recognized by our Government as de jure 
President of Mexico, March 3, 1917, or a little later. 

This was a "conditional" recognition, as will be seen by reference 
to the note of this GoA^ernment through " Representative " Parker 
at Queretaro, January 22, 1917. 

Recognition is, as a general rule, absolute and irrevocable. 

Nevertheless, it may happen, by way of exception, that the recognition is condi- 
tional or is given sub modo. Such is the case when certain charges or restrictions are 
imposed on a new state at the time when its independent existence is recognized, 
such as an obligatory neutrality, commercial liberty, or religious liberty. If the 
restriction constitutes a condition, the powers which have subjected their recognition 
to it have the right to insist upon the new State's conforming itself to the condition 
imposed, and if it fails, to consider their recognition as not given. 

Examples of the restrictions imposed on the independence of a new State are the 
permanent neutrality of Belgium; the restrictions safeguarding religious liberty, 
imposed not only on Bulgaria, a semisovereign State, by Article V of the Treat 3^ of 
Berlin, but also on Montenegro by Article XXVII of the same treaty; on Serbia by 
Article XXXA^, and on Roumania by Article XLIV; the restrictions imposed on the 
independent State of the Congo, in favor of commercial freedom, by the general act 
of the Congress of Berlin of Felaruary 26, 1885. 

So sa5"s John Bassett Moore. 

That an opportunity might be made peaceably to secure redress 
for the wrongs which American citizens and the American Govern- 
ment had suffered for so many years at the hands of Mexico and 
Carranza, one of the members of this committee upon his personal 
mitiative, offered a resolution on December 3, 1919, requesting the 
President to withdraw recognition of the Carranza government. 
' Had the President pursued the course suggested, we (the United 
States) would have been in a position to follow a course which might 
have resulted in an understanchng with that Government as a pre- 
requisite to again recognizuig it, or left us free to pursue any other 
course. 

Thi'ough the revolution and the death of Carranza vre again have 
the opportunity heretofore presented upon several different occasions: 
To demand and secm-e assiu'ances for the protection of our citizens 
in Mexico and upon her borders; for the performance by Mexico of 
her national and international obligations; for offering our eft'ective 
assistance to the starving, do^^Titrodden, bandit-ridden, and harassed 
people of Mexico, and for restoring the status of peace to our own 
continent. 

We are informed that a new ''government" is bemg formed in 
Mexico. In the ordinary course we would be called upon to deal 
with this new condition. 

62 



AFFAIRS Iisr MEXICO. 63 

OUR COURSE SHOULD BE CLEAR. 

We should first follow one policy, viz : 

(a) Wait before recognizing Gov. de la Huerta as Presi- 
dent of Mexico until it shall be assured that his election is 
approved by the Mexican people and that his administration 
is possessed of stability to endure and of the disposition to 
comply with the rules of international comity and the 
obligations of treaties. (See Seward to Foster, May 16, 
1877.) 

(b) We should let everyone who assumes to exercise 
authority in any part of Mexico know in the most unequi- 
vocal way that we shall vigilantly watch the fortunes of 
those Americans who can not get away, and shall hold those 
responsible for their sufferings and losses to a definite 
reckoning. That can be and will be made plain beyond 
the possibility of a misunderstanding. (President Wilson's 
address to Congress on Mexican conditions, Aug. 27, 1913.) ^ 

(c) Repeat to the Mexicans now what Evarts said in 1878: 

"The first duty of a government is to protect life and prop- 
erty. This is a paramount obligation. For this govern- 
ments are instituted, and governments neglecting or failing 
to perform it become worse than useless. This duty the 
Government of the United States has determined to perform 
to the extent of its power toward its citizens on the border. 
It is not solicitous ; it never has been, about the methods or 
ways in which that protection shall be accomplished, whether 
by formal treaty stipulation or by informal convention; 
whether by the action of judicial tribunals or that of military 
forces. Protection in fact to American lives and property is 
the sole point upon which the United States are tenacious." 

Then, if satisfied as to (a) recognize De la Huerta (or successor) 
upon conditions plainly expressed and afirrmatively accepted, that^ — 

Article 130 of the constitution of 1917 shall not apply to 
American missionaries, preachers, ministers, teachers, or 
American schools, nor to American periodicals, but that 
American missionaries, ministers, and teachers shall be 
allowed freely to enter, pass through, and reside in Mexico, 
there to freely reside, preach, teach, and write, and hold 
property and conduct schools without interference by the 
authorities so long as such ministers, teachers, or mission- 
aries do not participate in Mexican politics or revolutions. 



64 APFAIKS IN MEXICO. 

This clause of the constitution provides that no one except a 
Mexican by birth, may be a minister of any religious creed in Mexico; 
that neither in public or private shall such minister criticize the 
fundamental laws of the country, the authorities in particular or the 
Government in general. 

That no periodical of a religious character shall comment upon any 
political affairs of the Nation, nor publish any information regarding 
the acts of the authorities or of private individuals in so far as the 
latter have to do with public affairs. 

That ministers are incapable legally of inheriting by will from 
ministers of the same creed, or from any private individuals to whom 
they are not related by blood within the fourth degree, etc. 

That article 3 shall not apply to any American teaching 
or conducting primary schools. 

This article prohibits any minister or any religious corporation 
establishing or directing schools of primary instruction. 

That none of the provisions of article 27 of said constitu- 
tion with reference to limitations upon rights of property 
^ heretofore acquired by Americans, or which may hereafter 
be acquired, shall apply to Americans except where the 
limitation is written in the deed, lease, or other instrument 
of title, and particularly : 

The provision of said article to the effect that the subsoil 
products other than of metalliferous minerals shall be the 
property of the National Government of Mexico, to be dis- 
posed of by decree or by law, shall not apply to the property 
of American citizens purchasing from other Individuals or 
from State, national, or municipal authorities of Mexico, 
unless the limitation or reservation with reference to such 
subsoil products shall be written in the original deed or 
other instrument of conveyance transferring the surface of 
the property to such American purchaser. 

That the prohibition against the ownership of property 
in lands, waters, or their appurtenances, or against the 
concessions for the development of mines, waters, or 
mineral fuels in the Republic to foreigners, shall not apply 
to American citizens. 

That subsection 2 of said article 27 shall not apply to 
church properties or Episcopal residences, rectories, semi- 
naries, orphan asylums, or collegiate establishments of 
religious institutions or schools held or owned by Americans. 

(This clause operates without condemnation or other process to 
confiscate the property above mentioned.) 



AFFAIES IN MEXICO. 65 

That the subdivisions of subsection 7 of article 27 de- 
scribed as a, b, c, d, and e shall not apply to the property 
of any Americans now owned under whatsoever title or 
which may hereafter be acquired, except where distinct 
reservations and limitations covering such provisions are 
affirmatively set out in the documents or evidences of title 
or transfer of such property. 

(This is the provision under which the State governments are 
directed to and under wliich Sonora, through De la Huerta as gov- 
ernor, attempted to subdivide purely grazing pastures, positively 
unfitted for cultivation, owned by American citizens and others, 
without judicial process, but by mere administrative action, both as 
to survey and as to fixing the value, and in payment for which the 
owners are forced to accept what is known as an agrarian bond of 
the State of Sonora over our protests and as a matter of fact known 
to be entirely worthless.) 

That article 33 of said constitution, providing that "The 
Executive shall have the exclusive right to expel from the 
Republic forthwith and without judicial process any for- 
eigner whose presence he may deem inexpedient," shall 
not apply to American citizens who shall, when they so 
demand, have access to their consulate or consular agent or 
diplomatic representative and have the right to avail them- 
selves of the assistance of such officials, and until after due 
judicial proceedings upon application of such American. 

That such agreement should provide for the immediate 
appointment of a claims commission to pass on all claims 
for damage to Americans in Mexico, or upon its boundaries, 
the committee to be composed of American citizens appointed 
by the President of the United States, and a like number of 
Mexican citizens to be appointed as that Government may 
in said agreement provide, and that the decision of this 
commission shall be binding upon the respective govern- 
ments and shall be immediately carried out by the payment 
of the damages adjudged. 

That a like commission should be in such agreement pro- 
vided for the settlement of disputes concerning the inter- 
national boundary and waters of the Rio Grande River and 
of the Colorado River, and particularly the Chamizal dis- 
pute and the Colorado River irrigation complication, with 
power to such commission to render a decision for the pay- 
ment of money and transfer of property, if any, necessary 
in the final settlement of such dispute. 

S. Rept. 645, 66-2 5 



66 ATFAIKS IIT MEXICO. 

It is not necessary to attempt here to point out all the provisions 
of this constitution of a similar character to those above referred to. 

Having recognized any Mexican government upon the conditions 
as above set forth, then not only the moral support but financial aid 
without stint in so far as same is necessary for the refunding of all 
Mexican bonds, including external as well as the internal debt, with 
additional funds in sufficient amounts to rehabilitate all Mexican 
railroads and to maintain same, and also sufficient amounts to enable 
the recognized government to reestablish, organize, and thoroughly 
equip a purely national army not belonging to any particular chief, 
chieftain, or general, but operating solely under the national govern- 
ment, which shall immediately proceed where necessary to disarm 
all other armed forces or individuals in the Republic; together with 
sufhcient funds to enable the Mexican Government to buy and pay 
for all arms and equipment which may be brought in and surrendered 
by individuals or armed bands or so-called armies. 

Preferably this aid should he extended hy the people oj the United 
States as a national loan from them to the people of Mexico, upon 
long time and with moderate rates of interest, so that Mexico may 
not be compelled to refund her debt and finance her necessities 
through appeal to individuals and by granting special privileges or 
concessions to such individuals. 

We have the legal right and it is our duty to refuse to 
recognize any government in Mexico which will not agree 
by way of a treaty to the foregoing conditions of recog- 
nition. 

Should any government proposing to be recognized refuse 
to accede to the foregoing conditions of recognition, immedi- 
ate renewed notice should be given as suggested under b 
and Cf with the statement to the de facto officials where- 
ever found i 

That action would follow the warning in each and every case where 
action was necessary to preserve life or the property of an American 
citizen. 

Following such warnings and statements, should such 
government not theretofore have restored order and peace 
in the Republic of Mexico and effectively extended protection 
to our citizens after due notice to the Mexican people 
that we would not war with them but in the words of 
McKinley that — 

"First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, 
starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties to the 
conflict are either xinable or unwilling to stop or mitigate." 



APFAIES IlSr MEXICO. 67 

That we will send a police force consisting of the naval 
and military forces of our Government into the Republic of 
Mexico to open and maintain open every line of communi- 
cation between the City of Mexico and every seaport and 
every border port of Mexico. 

And that we owe to our citizens in Mexico and those who 
have been driven out of that country, the duty, as McKinley 
said: 

' ' To afford them that protection and indemnity for life and property which no gov- 
ernment there can or will afford and to that end to terminate the conditions that: 
deprive them of legal protection." 

In the giving notice that we are not warring upon the 
Mexican people, we should request their assistance; or at 
least that they refrain from joining any armed bands In any 
attacks upon our troops or forces, whose purpose would 
simply be the restoration of peace and order; protection of 
our own citizens; protection of Mexican citizens; restora- 
tion of American citizens to their properties; the affording 
of opportunity for the opening of mines, fields, and factor- 
ies; and last, to afford the opportunity for the Mexican 
people themselves, in whatsoever manner they desire, to 
constitute a Mexican government of serious, competent, 
honest, and honorable men who will meet the civilized 
world upon a friendly ground and bind themselves to deal 
with other people as they themselves would be dealt with. 

Respectfully submitted. 

Albert B. Fall, 

Chairman.. 
Frank B. Brandegee, 
M. A. Smith, 

Suhcommittee.- 
Washington, D. C, Hay 28, 1920. 



Exhibit 1. 

[Confidential.] 

San Antonio, Tex., April 17, 1920. 
Senator Albert Fall, 

Senate Chamber, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Senator: After a four weeks' trip into Mexico, I have returned home 
unharmed and without meeting with any accident. Thinking that perhaps you 
would be interested to learn my impression of things Mexican as they appeared to me, 
with an outline of present conditions and tendencies from my point of view, I am 
writing this letter. 

It is needless to inform you that although the entire committees elected to investi- 
gate Mexican affairs are censured, as busybodies, upon youi* head as chairman of the 
committee is concentrated the hatred and curses of the Carranza tribe. I found, 
however, amongst a certain class approval of the committee's work. The opinion of 
this class is that conditions continue to grow worse and there is no way to improve 
them without the aid and assistance of the American Government. 

On March 15 I crossed the Rio Grande into Laredo, Mexico, and immediately the 
destruction and ruin wrought by the revolution became evident on every side in the 
shape of burned and dynamited houses and other properties, only a few of which 
have been repaired. Along the railroad line between Laredo and Monterey, capital 
of the State of Nuevo Leon, all section houses, stations, water tanks, and much private 
property presented a scene of ruin and desolation that can only be appreciated by 
seeing it. Upon our arrival at Monterrey, we found the fine depot there in ruins, and 
although this happened several years ago, there is no sign of restoration, which hardly 
agrees with the claim that Mexico is again enjoying peace and prosperity. At 8.30 
p. m. we anived at Saltillo where we were sidetracked till 3.30 a. m. of the 16th, in 
order to avoid passing through a certain stretch of country regarded as a danger zone 
between Saltillo and San Luis Potosi, in the night. And the same ruin of railroad 
and private,property was noticeable here as on the previous day. 

I spent the 17th, 18th, and 19th at San Luis Potosi, and although I saw some wreck- 
age in the city, upon the whole it had suffered the least of all cities I visited. I 
found the magnificent depot, which was finished in 1910, in ruins, but it perhaps 
was an accident and not mere vandalism which produced most of the wreckage wrought 
by the re^'olution. I was informed by creditable witnesses that there are points less 
than 50 miles from the city which it would be very unsafe for anyone who wore even 
respectable clothes, to venture. Most of the large haciendas are deserted with all 
their improvements in a state of absolute ruin and unfortunately this applies to the 
whole State as well as adjoining States. 

On the 19th, continuing south, I found the 326 miles of railroad which connects 
San Luis Potosi and Mexico City with its stations, section houses, water tanks and 
many of the private properties adjacent to the road, in the same state of ruin and 
abandonment as marked the 477 miles between Laredo and San Luis Potosi. It is 
well known that the physical condition of tliis road was exceptionally fine prior to the 
present revolution, and few roads anywhere were better administered. 

I tarried eight days in Mexico City, and while there I visited many of the suburbs 
and although I found the city congested by a large increase of population, the result 
of the country people seeking safety, I found everywhere signs of decadence without 
being able to observe any return to that appearance of prosperity and progress so 
noticeable in the years just preceding the revolution begun by Madero. 

In talking with people in the city I found a universal cord of distnist and anxiety, 
fearful that another period of revolution was approaching. And this feeling was little 
less noticeable among the supporters of Carranza than the other factions. Among the 
"gente decente" I found no rainbow of promise, no star of hope, through the election 
of any of the candidates now aspiring for the presidency: they regard them aU as men 
who have already been tried and found wanting, and believe nothing good can spring 
from a source so vile. 

I saw Mr. Bonillas's entrance into the City of Mexico on March 21. Mr. and 

myself went to the Alameda to see the promised parade, and while waiting there we 
saw several hundred soldiers and many thousands of civilians — among whom were 
the different guilds of laborers — pass by on their way to the depot, and we felt justi- 

68 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 69 

fied in expecting to see a large and, to us, interesting parade, in wHch perhaps would 
be Mr. Carranza, or at least most of his cabinet. But to our utter astonishment, Mr, 
Bonillas, like a flash of lightning fi-om a clear sky, suddenly darted past us in an auto 
surrounded by an escortof horsemen, at the highest rate of speed possible, as if afraid 
of an ambush. And it is probable that such a precaution on his part was prudent, 
as about 300 yards before he reached us in the vicinity of the Iron Horse, a demonstra- 
tion was made against him by the followers of Obregon, so it was said. And this was 
the signal for an onslaught by the police, which resulted in the arrest of about 147 
persons, among them 5 deputies, partisans of Obregon. It was claimed that the 
laborers that went to the depot to welcome Bonillas were each paid 1 peso for such 
a spontaneous display of patriotism. Although I do not know, yet from inquiry 
I beHeve this charge was true, in part at least. 

I was unable to learn anything of interest about the status of Mr. Jenkins. Most 
of the Americans with whom I talked tliink he has been very shabbily treated by 
our Government. While I was there the papers of the city had veiy conspicuous 
headlines saying that Mr. Jenkins had renounced his American citizenship. How- 
ever, in reading the news article, it was clear that he had done notliing of the kind. 
He had, however, agreed to comply with that article in the new constitution which 
permitted an American citizen to hold property if he promises not to appeal to his 
country for protection for said property. Mr Jenkins, according to this article, in 
order to save a certain water right he claimed, submitted to this demand of the Gov- 
ernment, which seemed to regard it as a great victoiy. In spite of the fact that our 
Government has stated that such renunciation on the part of an American citizen 
under duress could not operate. 

On the 28th I left Mexico City over the old Mexican Central line, and the same signs 
of decadence and ruin were observable there that was seen on the line between Laredo 
and Mexico City in the shape of skeletons of trains burned, depots wrecked, section 
houses destroyed, and water tanks in ruin, with gnarled rails so twisted by heating 
them with burning ties as to render them useless, visible all along the line. I will 
give you as a concrete example of travel over this line the time required to reach 
Juarez, when reached at all, and the prior-war time. Prior to the revolution it took 
two days and nights, whereas now it takes five days and four nights, with a very 
inferior train service. 

The 29th and 30th I spent in Zacatecas, a mere wreck of its prerevolutionary status. 
The census of 1910 showed a population of 28,000, whereas now the consensus of 
opinion of those living there is that there are not more than 9,000 inhabitants there. 
While only a few of the large buildings in the center of the city have been destroyed, 
thousands of houses on the outskirts are tumbling down from mere neglect and aban- 
donment. The large building that housed most of the state offices, with the post 
office and several of the federal offices, was blown down and no effort to rebuild it has 
ever been made. 

There is an incipient mining revival at Zacatecas, but it has not yet gone far enough 
to tell how it Avill end. Several large English concerns, already heavily interested 
in mining in the country, but with increased capital from home, have taken options 
on several of the old historic mines of the camp, besides making many denouncements 
of abandoned groimd. This activity of the English extends to a large part of the 
Republic, and only the future can tell what the results will be. One of. these same 
English concerns have leased a large mine at Fresnillo from the Robert Towne interests 
and are busily engaged in enlarging a 700-ton mill to a capacity to treat 2,000 tons 
a day. 

On the 31st I continued my trail north and found the same wreckage and ruin 
everywhere. At Calera, 20 miles north of Zacatecas, long an important place with 
offices and large station buildings, etc., we found nothing but standing walls, witli, 
if possible, a more desolate and ruined appearance greeting us farther north. At 
Canitas, where you have doubtless been many times, when you were at Nieves 
(1883-84) — as it was the station for that camp — I took the short cut route to Dmango 
City, built since the revolution began. And although this seems to be about the 
most dilapidated and abandoned region I saw, presenting the appearance of the mouth 
of a volcano when compared with the more distant regions affected by it; but the 
depots, section houses, and water tanks all being of stone and new, presented a nice 
appearance when compared to some other stretches over which I had passed. But 
upon visiting the pueblos and the country districts the reverse is true, as it is the 
worst I saw on my entire trip. 

I made a side trip to Sombrerete, which prior to the revolution was a very important 
mining camp, as well as the headquarters for large stock growing, especially sheep. 
This place itself — although I was informed there are other places yet worse in the same 
region — but here I saw the worst vandalism I met with anywhere. Hundreds of houses 
have been wrecked on the main streets of the pueblo during the battle that was fought 



"70 ATFAIES IlSr MEXICO. 

there on the 8th, 9th, and 10th of May, 1911, when the Madero forces captured it, and 
they remain now just as they were left then, outside of removing some of the debris 
from the streets. Due to the had conditions prevailing there and the impossibility of 
living there, other hundreds of houses were abandoned and the pueblo is now only a 
shade of its prerevolutionary size and importance. It then had a population of over 
10,000 souls, now it has less than 3,000. The Zaragoza Hacienda, owned by Elorduy 
Tjrothers, large stockmen, consisting of 433,000 acres, stocked with 200,000 head of 
sheep, 10,000 cattle, and 8,000 horses and mules, situated about 20 miles north of 
Sombrerete, is now entirely denuded of all its stock and the fences and all other im- 
provements are completely ruined except some of the walls to their houses. This was 
a model ranch, and besides the stock, 21,000 acres was cultivated in com, wheat, 
beans, and barley. This is but a sample of what has happened to all the ranchee in 
that part of the countiy, and will with equal fidelity apply to the majority of the 
ranches in all parts of the Republic. 

These men tell me that as full-handed as they were when the revolution came, it 
will be absolutely impossible for them to restock their place, and they propose to ask 
the aid of American capital to join them and furnish the capital to restock it, taking 
one-half interest in the business with them. These same men insist that a large part 
of the large ranches of Mexico will inevitably fall into the hands of Americans because 
rthe owners in many cases not only lack funds to rehabilitate their properties, but 
many of them have large mortgages hanging over them, preventing them absolutely 
from any hope of reestablishing their business. 

April 1 I continued my trip to Durango City and found the decay and ruin no less 
pronounced here than between Canitas and Sombrerete. I was engaged in conver- 
isation by an apparently educated and fairly decent looking fellow from San Luis 
Potosi and the burden of his conversation was politics. He was a very strong Obre- 
gonist and openly avowed that if Mr. Obregon failed of election that his partisans 
were determined to put him in the chair even though it required war to do it. I 
found another party in Durango City expressing himself in the same manner, and in 
fact I found considerable numbers of that opinion and unafraid to express their 
opinions. 

Many of the very best buildings of Durango City were dynamited and burned 
after they had been looted, and the reconstruction there is insignificant to date. 
They even carried their destruction so far that some overzealous general cut down 
the great shade trees in the main plaza of the city and made a desert of what had 
formerly been a pleasant oasis in which the weary traveler rested in Durango. 

I remained three days and during that time I learned that business was at a very 
low ebb. I soon discovered — what I had been told and observed in several other 
cities — ^that the stocks of goods were very short and that stores that in prewar days 
had carried a stock of 500,000 pesos were now carrying nearer 50,000 stock, and the 
same applies to lesser stocks, and is very general throughout the country. I was 
there Holy Week, and the streets were lighted up, but I was told by residents that 
was only a gala day event and not an everyday occurrence. I found many of the 
ranchers living in the city and afraid to even visit their places for more than a few 
hours, if at all. The State and city treasuries are fundless and the governor has 
attempted to impose a half per cent on all sales, and there is a fight on a^bout it now, 
the merchants claiming that they are paying every cent of taxes that they possibly can. 
_ A railroad is being slowly extended into the timber region of the State West from the 
city. I am told there has been no trouble in the Sierra Madres for a long time, the 
poverty of the region in eatables, etc., prevents them from remaining there. The 
bandits or patriots, just as one chooses to dub them, stay in the mountains close to the 
plains or large centers of population, since it is in such places they can secure some- 
thing to live on. In the mountain ranges between Durango City and Torreon these 
bandits live and prey upon the people living there. A common idea among Americans 
is that if we had war with Mexico guerrilla bands would go to the mountains, and there 
play havoc with our soldiers. Nothing is more unlikely than this, since it Would be 
absolutely impossible for them to live in that region a large part of the year. 

On the 5th I continued my trip to Torreon, and found the wreckage and ruin little 
less accentuated than in other parts of the trip. I found that considerable vandalism 
had been committed at Villa Lerdo, Gomez Palacios, and Torreon, the last named the 
least damaged. Although Torreon was very dirty and far from prepossessing as a place 
to live, yet I easily observed a vigor and energy that I had not encountered elsewhere. 
Torreon has been blessed with a very fine cotton crop, for which a very high price was 
obtained. This brought to that city a large amoimt of new capital far beyond the 
usual lot of such things. The cotton crop I Was informed must have averaged at least 
1} bales to the acre, and this was sold at about 40 cents a pound, an unusual yield 
which was sold at an uniisual price. 



AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. Tl 

There is some acti^dty among the mines, with many, owing to the high price of the 
metals, anxious to start operations, but they are laboring under many difficulties and 
beset with many obstacles in the shape of lack of supplies of all lands, shortness of 
labor and the dilapidated condition of the transportation business of the country. 
The smelter at Velardena is going ahead slowly, the Mapimi is running fairly well, and 
the Torreon smelter is preparing to start up soon. With the present political unrest 
and a universal fear of a new revokition it is difficult to make a guess that is worthy of 
consideration of what will be the result of the present attempt to open the mines in 
so many regions at once. 

I visited J\Ir. , who as you know was a forced guest of Gen. Villa for 15 days 

during the month of February. He says of his capture that: "I was awakened about 
2 a. m. by my mozo ushering two or three men into my bedroom. My first thought 
was that it was an attempt to rob me, and I grabl^ed my pistol, but, seeing the house 
full of men, I gave it up. I was commanded to get up and dress, which I did. I was 
permitted to carry a great coat with me, which I found to be convenient as well as 
great comfort, as the nights were cold. 

I was put on a horse that was not overly prepossessing, dressed with a saddle a 
little worse than the horse, and without stirrups. We rode all that day toward the 
mountains. I soon understood that Villa had about 80 men in this bodyguard of his, 
as he called it. This band was well armed and well mounted and carried about 250 
cartridges each. The living was rather hard, consisting mostly of tortillas and beans, 
since, due to the lack of stock in the region through which we traveled, it was impos- 
sible to have meat. From time to time we ran onto some small ranchito where a 
chicken or two was foimd, and I was always invited on those gala occasions. 

Villa told that there would be a united effort made against Carranza some 

time during the summer, and he thought it would not be until after the presidential 
election had taken place, as he thought that would furnish a new issue for patriots 
to rally around. 

He says that Villa was shot twice, once above and once below the right knee, but 
that now he is just as well as he ever was and presents the appearance of a man of 
steel. He says that while riding along one day Villa came up behind him and told 
him that he could run two leagues, and he replied that he did not doubt it. A few 
hours later he came up by his side, jumped off his horse and struck a run, and he 
kept it up for about 5 miles and forced him to prod his horse into a gallop most of the 
time. 

On the 8th I traveled from Torreon to Saltillo, over the Coahuila Pacific, 191 miles, 
and found the wreckage and destruction no less pronounced than on the rest of my 

trip to that point. I wired Mr. • to meet me, if convenient, at the station of 

Parras. He, without any questioning on my part, at once told me that any one who 
believed that conditions in Mexico were improving were simply mistaken. His 
opinion is that there is no improvement at all, but there is a gradual decay and dis- 
integration in everything and in all directions. He is working a ranch about* four 
mi-les from the pueblo, but will not Kve there, fearful that some freebooters who have 
long made their home in a mountain, range about 10 miles north of the place, might 
seize him and hold him for ransom. This band that has made those mountains their 
home for a long time are immune from harm at the hands of Carranza's forces, and 
this, according to his way of thinking, is conclusive proof that Carranza's crowd do 
not want them lest their calling as generals might end and leave them ■without a job. 

Upon arriving at Saltillo we found the streets that approached the railroad stations 
brilliantly lighted, but upon more careful examination we saw that all others were 
conspicuous for lack of lights. Saltilllo suffered some in the way of vandalism but 
loss than most other cities of the Republic. With the exception of a very small area 
lying adjacent to the city all the siirrounding country is laying fallow and the owners 
of most of the ranches are afraid to even visit them, let alone try to live on them and 
work them. All the region to the east of the city, which is by far the best part of that 
State, is nonproductive, hence as a natural conseqxience the city is cut off from most 
of its support and business is very dull. As in Durango I noticed that the stocks of 
goods were very reduced compared to those carried before the revolution began. 
Here, as elsewhere, I found much discussion of politics with considerable bitterness 
displayed in many instances. There is miich fear of a revolution as soon as the election, 
is over, as most of the people believe it is a foregone thing that Bonillas will either be 
made the President or that ^fr. Carranza will use Bonillas to create a wrangle, and he 
will thereupon ask Congress to declare the election illegal and be asked to remain till 
a new election can be held. 

C)n tlie 10th I returned to Laredo, and crossed over the bridge the next naorning, 
without other incident than being asked if I had any gold on my person. I replied 



72 ATFAIRS IIT MEXICO. 

by opening my purse, I showed 35 pesos Mexican gold and $10 American gold piece, 
and offered them the Mexican while I retained the American gold, but they said that 
I could not talce any gold out with me. I received American bills for it. I thought it 
rather exacting that i was asked to give up our own national coin, but made no objec- 
tion as it was of no importance to me. American gold goes there everywhere and in 
most places paper money goes also, but gold is preferred by a large part of the people, 
and some refuse to accept our paper money at all. 

I will say that prior to the revolution I was a frequent traveler over the same route 
I was traveling on my recent trip, and in those days everything looked new, well 
preserved, and the people all prosperous, with plenty of food even for the poorest to 
eat. The railroads were all in good shape, with fine trains always on hand to ac- 
commodate any demand that might be made upon them, and at a very cheap rate. 
As with the passenger, so with the freight, which was both cheap and well served. 
I sometimes fear that the so-called progressives and the would-be reformers may in 
time bring our country to just such a state as now exists there. I have concluded that 
the words "progressive" and '"reformer" are merely used by most people to give to 
airy nothingness a local habitation and a name, and are nothing more than an incipient 
socialism that gradually grades into anarchism. 

The finances of the country are in a deplorable condition. Many imagine that cash 
is very bountiful in Mexico now, deceived by a mere appearance as seen in the hands 
of individuals. They do not stop to consider that there are no banks, hence no checks 
or other evidences of liquidation that usually enter so largely into circulation. With 
100 pesos of Mexican gold one seems to be loaded down with cash, whereas in case 
of a check even for 10,000 pesos we see little evidence of the transaction. So, with 
bills, one carries 500 or 1,000 pesos in bills, in his vest pocket and it attracts no atten- 
tion, but with the same amount of gold he has all his pockets full. 

The States, cities, and Federal treasuries are all bankrupt, and they are trying to 
raise a higher tax on unused properties and unproductive business, which sooner or 
later will put them all in the mundial pawnshop. There are no funds to pay teachers, 
to meet the governmental obligations, or to keep the public utilities in working order. 
The report from the City of Mexico shows that the impoverished people are called 
upon to raise for the Federal Government nearly double what it did during the pros- 
perous years under Diaz. If such a policy is followed instead of using the surplus or 
the productive energy of the people it is like a bear hibernating, which is consuming 
its surplus of fat— a course that if continued long enough will ultimately bring on 
death by starvation. The 109,000,000 or 110,000,000 pesos raised by Diaz in 1909 and 
1910 left a surplus of 29,000,000 pesos, and it came from busiuess transacted and not 
as a direct tax upon all property. 

There is a dearth of change in Mexico now that renders all business troublesome and 
expensive. One seldom sees any silver change, and while this applies to the whole 
country it is absolutely so with reference to the City of Mexico, being a little less pro- 
nounced in the States. The change in the city consists of the 50 centavos and 1 peso 
bills; the 1, 2, 5, 10, and 20 centavos copper coins, with an occasional nickel; and 
besides, and the most convenient elements as they are more plentiful, are the 5 and 10 
centavos street car tickets, which are redeemable in gold coin. It is impossible to 
understand why the Government does not coin plenty of small silver change, as there 
is an abundance of silver being produced there to quickly supply any deficiency that 
could exist for small change in business transactions. There has been a bitter fight 
made against the new paper money, and the laborers when they accept it do so with 
the proviso that it must be redeemed by those who issue it upon demand, and those 
companies that use it have regular days for redemption. 

It is very harmful and renders small business, which represents a large part of the 
business, as the poor people of Mexico buy in extremely small quantities, and to try 
to make these deals without plenty of small change is costly and troublesome. 
Recently the Government has bought a large lot of copper which it intends to coin 
for change, and although this would be very burdensome for large transactions, it 
will facilitate the smaller ones. To give you an idea how lack of change affects 
business, it is sufficient to inform you that often to seciu^e change costs fTom 4 to 10 
per cent. In buying a paper which costs 6 cents in the city it is very seldom that 
the exact change can be made, and hence the paper usually costs from 1 to 4 cents 
more than its price, and the same is true when paying for a shave or a shoe shine. 
On the street cars one is easily accommodated, as the price is either 5 or 10 centavos, 
and one hands over a 50-centavo bill, and he gets back the exact change in street- 
car tickets, which furnish him ready change for some other transaction. American 
change is being used largely in the northern States and this relieves the situation 
there. 

Transportation difficulties and handicaps would, were there no other obstacles to 
combat, render business very difficult and place upon it such ba urden that it would 



AFFAIRS IIsT MEXICO. 73 

not thrive as we now find it in Mexico. I will cite two or three instances that merely 
show the rates paid without mention of the delay and other burdens that oppress it. 
Mr. Carlos Bently, of Zacatecas, had an auto shipped from Piedras Negras to Zaca- 
tecas, and as nothing less than a carload would be received as freight he was compelled 
to pay 425 pesos, the minimum' charge for express between those two points. Had he 
shipped a full carload he would have had to pay the 425 minimum charge with the 
express at the usual rate on the other three cars. It seems that the Government will 
not accept any freight, but has turned everything to express. This hardly agrees with 
the saying that there is nothing in a name. It is a case in which by a play upon words 
a maximum of cost is made for a minimum of performance. I saw a waybill on a car- 
load of oranges fi'om Guadalajara to Saltillo, about 6G0 miles, showing a charge of 898 
pesos for that service. This, too, was express. 

This does not apply to many private companies ajid individuals who are operating 
trains over the Government lines. They ship heavy stuff as freight and in order to 
facilitate their own business they are forced to grant the best rates they can. These 
concerns are badly handicapped, too, as they are compelled to keep up and run their 
own trains and pay the Government the regular freight rates as though it had been 
done by the Government. 

The labor situation is in a bad way just now, and to the man who uses his common 
sense, it is distressingly difficult to figure out either an antidote or a remedy. The 
laborers are restless, dissatisfied, and unreliable, accompanied with an apparent 
scarcity even though business and industry of all kinds are at almost a standstill. 
This condition certainly forecasts a tremendous scarcity should the country again 
enter upon an era of reconstruction relieved of the incubus of revolution. 

I saw where Mr. in his testimony before your committee seems to imagine 

that Mexico has not lost more than 2,000,000 people since the revolution began, but 
I have talked and figured on that question and feel that I am within the truth when 
I say that Mexico has lost not less than one-third of all her population. I figure that 
from 200,000 to 300,000 have perished directly from fighting in the war, nearer the 
former than the latter number, 300,000 have left the country permanently, and 
400,000 temporarily. 

But the great losses have been from death, from starvation and gickness. Doctors 
whom I know well and who have kept in touch with the situation through the entire 
duration of the revolution, all agree that the deaths have been alarming at some 
periods. . For a long time at Zacatecas there was a death rate of from 40 to 50 a day 
from starvation and sickness, largely due to malnutrition, and the same was true 
of almost every town and all over the country at different periods since the devasta- 
, tion began. I was talking with * * * a few days ago in Torreon, and he told 
me he had seen them die there by the thousands from starvation. Then we have 
had two or three periods in which the whole country was ravaged by tifo and other 
scourges. Then the flu during the last two years has killed off not less than 300,000. 
Reports coming from all parts of the couptry in 1918 showed a frightful death rate, 
and it extended all over the country. 

I have asked the opinion of some of the most intelligent Mexicans that I know of, 
having 15,000,000 inhabitants at the beginning of the revolution, what is the number 
there now, and most of them have replied less than 10,000,000, and I believe that 
if one would investigate the matter carefully from every angle that he will conclude 
that fully 5,000,000 have disappeared from the country. At Cuencame I was told 
by an American friend who had lived there about 25 years, working mines, about 
three years ago that he counted over 900 new made graves in the graveyard, none 
of whom were killed in battle. The same comes from all directions. 

While I was in Mexico in March I saw it published , as coming from one of the bureaus 
of public health, that 77 per cent of the people were infected with venereal disea;ses. 
This notice advised them to send some of their blood to the department that they 
might be instructed how to treat it. I have since talked with several doctors, and 
they have placed the percentage much higher, ranging from 85 per cent to 99 por cent. 
If these statements are approximately correct, it means that the physical fiber of 
those people must be far from sound, and therefore incapable of reproducing offspring 
other than physically weak and morally base. It is easy for a close observer to see 
in the very looks of a large number of Mexican women the photograph of the hell 
thi'ough which they have passed engraved upon then." coimtenances. And what 
ideals the man who was instrumental in bringing about such a social state possesses 
is beyond the ken of mortal mind to understand. 

The political situation in Mexico is neither promising nor hopeful, although it is 
easily understood so far as the aspirants for the Presidency is concerned. Carranza 
evidently has two strings to his bow, one is to make Bonillas his heir and successor 
with him perhaps the lawgiver and his chief director, the other is to, if trouble comes, 
have his Congress declare the election null and void and appoint him as Presi- 



74 APFAIKS IN MEXICO. 

dent till a new election can be held, but witb the country in a state of revolution 
that must be deferred. 

Obregon seems to be willing to spend a fortune he accumulated by grafting while a 
general to become President, and we find him preaching and advocating any policy 
that may advance his cause. He is telling the miners that the mines by right belong 
to them, and that if he is elected they will have them. He tells the would-be land- 
owners that if he is elected they shall be given the land without price or effort — 
a very similar tune sung by Madero when he was seeking the Presidency, and it 
was this tune that so infatuated Madero with the populace, and, perhaps, Obregon 
remembers the lesson and hopes to gain by repeating it. 

What is called "the gente decente" in Mexico— the element that possess a large 
part of the wealth and a larger part of the intelligence of the nation, although greatly 
inferior in numbers — are all opposed to either of the three candidates now aspiring 
to be president. They are convinced and insist that the Mexicans themselves can 
not restore order and peace to the distracted country. They declare that it lies in 
the hands of either Mr. Wilson or his successor, and that wheneA'er it is undertaken 
with the right spirit and with that resolution that produces results it can be easily 
settled without any war. They laugh at the idea of war, and ask with whom and 
with what can the Mexican forces fight, and how can they fight without guns, ammu- 
nition, clothes, food, transport, and even Avithout men of ordinary discipline and 
training. They say that a large part of the Mexican people will stand at the gates 
and welcome our soldiers if they will only come, and that if necessary they will assist 
them in every way they can and make their self-imposed and unpleasant task as 
light as possible. 

WTiat a self-complacency or what visions those good soxils must possess who find a 
happy, contented people in Mexico, or who see plenty and abundance everywhere. 
While on my trip I endeavored to learn as much as I could about the stock interests 
of the country, and it is certainly no exaggeration to place the loss at 85 per cent, 
taking the country as a whole. It wdll require several years under the most favorable 
conditions to get that countrj stocked up again. Cattle are very scarce outside of a 
few sections in the hot country. Where v/e formerly saw great herds we now see only 
a small town herd as we approach some village or city. I was informed that in Mexico 
the present supply of meat is coming from the hot country, largely from Colima and 
Guerrero. I was informed at Torreon that the supply of meat for that place was com- 
ing from wild -cattle hunted out of the mountains of Chihuahua. 

At no time since the revolution began in 1910 has the fear that a new revohition is 
incubating been more persistent than right now. It seems to be epizootic and has 
gripped all classes and all factions, and many consider the tremendous exodus of 
laborers now leaving the country as one of the strongest symptoms of the manifestation 
of this common fear. The consensus of opinion is that it is fear of being drafted into 
the army that is actuating these emigrants. This feeling of anxiety is no less pro- 
nounced in one faction than the others, as it hangs like a pall over them all. 

So far as the fight between Carranza's man Friday (Bonillas) is concerned, Bonillas 
has already won, as Carranza is rapidly removing Obregonistas from the army or civil 
employment with, the Government. He is taking precaution to insure the selection 
of a Congress that he can control, in order that Congress, which has the power to declare 
the results of an election can, if desired , declare him as his own successor. Now, there 
may be a slij) in this arrangement, but it will hardly happen till after the result of the 
election has been declared. This will, as Villa told , furnish Carranza's oppo- 
nents with a new issue. This will bring on the tug of war vdth the ultimate result 
dependent upou the unanimity with which his opponents act and their disposition to 
play fair with the "goiite decente." 

There is one thing certain, that is if a fight does come, as now seems almost assm'ed, 
whichever side wins, the war as an organized body must inevitably be short-lived, 
since the lack of resources will impose this natural restriction on its duration. If it 
does not terminate soon it will again become stalemate, and the present reign of chaos 
and anarchy will continue indefinitely unless stopped by outside pressm'e. It seems 
that it is very important to our own country that the present anarchial state be ended 
in Mexico, as it is producing a gangrene which is infecting this country by contact 
and example. 

Wliile there is much poverty in Mexico, no one is starving for the mere necessities 
of life. Last year's crops were exceptionally good, and although the wheat is about 
all used up, the present harvest is about ready to gather, and from my observations 
along the railroads, there is a large acreage planted in those districts where the people 
are permitted to live, but the crop was badly damaged by a freeze that occurred the 
last days of March, and it is probable that little, if any, more than a 50 per cent crop 
will be raised. Past year's corn and bean crops were exceptionally good, and I am 
informed there is a large surplus, which assures plenty of those primary food products 



AFFAIES IN MEXICO. • 75 

for nex-t year. Of course, it is too early to make any estimate of this year's corn and 
bean crops, as they have not yet been planted. It is very dry in a large section of 
the country, but that is not unusual there at this season ot the year. 

In any discussion of the Mexican situation it is very important that we impress 
upon our hearers the truth about the personnel of the present Mexican Government. 
Those who know their past antecedents readily understand that a large part of them 
are unqualified for the positions they occupy, lackingas they do the necessary training 
or experience, and another large part of them is disqualified by a moral taint that 
renders them unfit for any position of trust. It is well known that many of these 
were criminals liberated by the exigencies of war, and this of itself creates a distrust 
of any government that is influenced by them. 

Mr. , whom you met here, informs me over the phone that many deserting 

officials from Carranza's army have reached here at Obregon's expense and are anxious 
to get on to Sonora. These men are patriotic because their pay has stopped and they 
have been shorn of the power to prey upon the country and are willing to unite with 
any faction that will furnish them their daily bread. 

instead of a proof of the formidableness of the Sonora revolt, I am inclined to believe 
it shows a weakness. It will result in an army of men ' ' too proud to fight ' ' instead of 
a fighting machine. 

About 25 years ago there was at El Paso a mirth-making club called McGinty, 
and I remember amongst its different features was the McGinty Guards. At the roll 
call of officers 8 or 10 huskies appeared upon the stage, but at the roll call of pri- 
vates one lone, one-legged man stood forth and went through all the evolutions. 

I have met many persons conversant with the Mexican situation and familiar with 
Mr. Wilson's genius for muddling everything he touches who think that it might 
be unwise to urge any interference in Mexico by him. They imagine it would be 
better to await the coming of a practical, common-sense man who accepts things as 
he finds them and acts accordingly than to invoke action by one who sees visions and 
hears voices — ^products of his own selfish arrogance. 

I hope that you may receive some ideas from this long letter that may be of benefit 
to you. I have tried to set forth things as I found them at this time without bias in 
favor of any faction. In writing this letter I have endeavored to set forth the Mexican 
Etuation in a way that even those unfamiliar with it may be induced to look at it 
from a practical standpoint, which seeks to do justice toward all, with malice toward 
none. 

With kindest wishes for your continued health and prosperity, I remain, 
Very truly, yours, 



A. 

SUMMARY. 

List of Americans killed and wounded in Mexico and on border in United States, 1910 to 
May 20, 1920, as testified to before the Subcommittee of the Foreign Relations Committee, 
investigating Mexican Affairs. 

1. Civilians killed in Mexico 397 

2. United States soldiers killed in Mexico 64 

461 

3. American civilians killed along border in United States 58 

4. United States soldiers killed along border in United States 68 

126 

5. American civilians outraged or wounded in Mexico 32 

6. United States soldiers outraged or wounded in Mexico 29 

I 61 

7. American civilians wounded on border in United States 90 

8. United States soldiers wounded on border in United States 47 

137 

Total killed, wounded, and outraged 785 

76 



B. 

American civilians killed in Mexico. 



Name. 



Anderson, Mrs 

Anderson, baby 

Adams, William 

Avers, Bowan 1 . . . 

Alamia, Juan B 

Allen, Oscar 

Akard, Hugh 

Atwater, Hubert 

Akers, James Bert 

Anton, George 

Anderson, Maurice 

Austin, Earl G 

Austin, S 

Bartholdt, 

Bishop, 

Brooks, John F 

Buckerdike, 

Bishop, Mrs. W.I 

Bowles, Earl 

Breckenridge, 

Baird, 

Byrd, AVilliam, jr 

Bushnell, L 

Burton, Henry Knox. . . 

Barrett, Thomas 

Bausehe, Gustave 

Brown, William 

Baker, E. P , 

Bishop, William , 

Baughman, Lee 

Batania, Juan 

Billings, Roscoe 

Brown, Cassis N 

Biirwell, Weston 

Beard, James S 

Bennett, J. N 

Boone, Charles 

Bean, Edgar B 

Burk, Frank 

Bruce, Donald 

Bayles, Curtis 

Bartuing, Henry 

Brooks, Samuel 

Blood, William W 

Compton, Harry 

Coy, John P 

Chapel, F. C 

Camara, Eugene 

Cervantes, J 

Crawford, James 

Camp, Robert 

Cramer, John 

Couch, Avery H 

Corbet, William 

Comption (Chihuahua) 
Collins, Hiram 



7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


12 


24-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


T 


84.8-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


. 848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 



77 



c. 



Ne. 



100 
101 
102 
103 
104 
105 
106 
107 
108 
109 
110 
111 
112 
113 



Name. 



Cooper, H. M 

Correll, John W 

Catron, Peter 

Chritchfleld, George 

Cu m mings, 

Clarks,Dr. R. G 

Carroll, John G 

Cromley, Henry , 

Cooper, Clarence 

Carruth, Mrs. Lee 

Carruth, child 

Do 

Do.... 

Do 

Do 

Crawford, 

Cain, , 

Carney, James , 

Delham, Oscar M 

Dexter, Edward G , 

Dingwell, Wm. B. A 

Dalrymple, Charles , 

Doster, Edward D 

Donovan, J. J , 

Diepert, George A , 

Dubose, Constantine 

Davidson, Roderick 

Dixon, A. R 

D'Austin, Louis 

Davies, Albert J 

Davidson, W. A 

Davis, Harry G 

Dean, J. S 

Dollar, M.P 

Dunn, L. A 

Defourcg, Edward L 

DeVate, William 

DeFabio, G. A 

Darrow, Beris 

DeFabir,C. G 

Edward, J.C 

East, Victor W 

Edson, John 

Edson, Mrs. John 

Eek, Carl 

Ely, Isaac R 

Evans, Thomas H 

Elton, Howard L 

Esparola, Alfred E 

Eckles, 

Fowler, William E 

France, Wenceslau 

Fountain, Thomas A. O 

Frendenstein, James 

Farrell, Thomas 

Fay, W. A 

Fisher, Clarence 



Book. 



Page. 



7 
7 


848-862 
818-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


10 


1489 


10 


1507 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


8t8-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 



78 



D. 



No. 



Name. 



Book. 



Ill 
115 
116 
117 
118 
119 
120 
121 
122 
123 
12-i 
125 
12f> 
127 
128 
12a 
130 
131 
132 
133 
134 
135 
136 
137 
138 
139 
140 
141 
142 
143 
144 
145 
146 
■147 
148 
149 
150 
151 
152 
153 
154 
155 
156 
157 
158 
159 
160 
161 
162 
163 
184 
165 
166 
167 
168 



Free, Maurice 

Fisher, r>r. Chas. P.... 

Foster Fr. Allen L 

Franklin, John M 

Green, — 

Godman. R. Roy M. . . 

Garcia, Antonio 

Glennon, Patrick 

Gillette, Chas. W 

Griffith, Mrs. Joseph P 

Gorow, Boris 

Griffin, Benjamin 

Gilrnartin, Martin J . . . 

Grijalva, Rey es 

Goldsborouph, Chas . . . 

Galeana, Francisco 

Gorman, Frank P 

Goodman (child) 

Do 

Do 

Gillett, Frank 

Gonzales, 

Gourd, Frank 

Hughes, 

Huntington, Robert... 

Heidy . Samuel 

Harvey. James 

Hertling, John 

Haigler, 

Holmes, Mrs. Minnie L 

Howard, Frank 

Hayes, Edward, jr 

Harwood, Robert W . . . 

Hatfield, K. L 

Harmon, E. L 

Hadley,C. B , 

Hernande-'., Gustavo... 

Higgen'rerger, Peter 

Howard, Jack 

Harper, A.N 

Hartman, G. L 

Hall, Alexander 

Hase, Herman C 

Hamilton, Victor 

liayden, Frank 

Harris, Ed ward H 

Howell, Ernest 

Hallv,P.H 

Hart, Dr. H. M , 

House, E dward 

Heimsath, Christian 

Hughes, Hiram 

Hennessey, A. P 

Hayes, 

Iture, Francisco 



7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


V 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848- 862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


8 


1320 


8 


993 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


V 


848-862 


V 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


818-882 


7 


818-862 


7 


848-862 


5 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


y 


84S-862 


t 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


10 


1489 


7 


848-862 



79 



E. 



Name. 



Jones, 

Jenson, Martin 

Johnson, F. V 

Jackoby, James 

Johnson, Thomas 

James, Mrs . Milton . . . 

James, Byron E 

Johnson, Guy 

Krause, Emil 

Kane, Thomas C 

Kelly, Patrick J 

KendalL William 

Kelly, Thomas 

Kelly,Dr.E.E 

King, 

Kitchen, H.S 

Kingsbury, Tom 

Keenright, Mrs. W. H 

Kirby, H. E 

Keane, Peter 

Keene, 

Locldiart, John R 

Lawton, 

Lescher, 

Lawrence, James O... 
Lawrence, Albert H. . 

Laurell, Porflrio 

Land on, James E . 

Loris, Leonard 

Lei •la, Alfonso 

Lindley, Lee 

McLaughlin, . . . 

Maxwell, 

McDonald W.H 

McClelland, Jas. B 

McKinsea, 

Mathe wson, A 

Martinson, Mrs 

Meyers, Jake 

McCoy, J. P 

Meredith, Norwell R. . 

Miller. Morton 

McC utche on, E d ward . 

Marders, C. H 

Moreys, J. I 

Milton, Chas 

McDonald, Morris 

McKinney, Patrick. . . 

Mcintosh, Walter 

McManus, John B 

McHatton, Richard P. 

McKinney, Arthur 

Martin, G.W 

McGregor, Don 

Martinez, Migu el 

Millard L. R 

McLeod, Harlow C 

Morgan, Edward E . . . 
McClaren, Edward F.. 

Moye, Leroy 

McGilLH. S 

Meek, Ulysses 



Book. 



80 



No. 



231 
232 
233 
234 
235 
236 
237 
238 
239 
240 
241 
242 
243 
244 
245 
246 
247 
248 
249 
250 
251 
252 
253 
254 
255 
256 
257 
258 
259 
260 
261 
262 
263 
264 
265 
266 
267 
268 
269 
270 
271 
272 
273 
274 
275 
276 
277 
278 
279 
280 
281 
282 
283 
284 
285 
286 
287 
288 



Name. 



Martinez, Luciano . 

Martinetto, A 

Morris, J. L 

Meese , 

McCuistian, . 

Morgan, 



Nixon, Edward L. . . 
Newman, George W. 

Olsen, Dr. Seffer 

O'Neil, James 

Otto, Meguil 

Passon, ■ 



Pape, Elbert 

Poindexter, William 

Pederson, Peter 

Peterson, A. P 

Pottinsrer.C.C 

Parmenter, John Glenn. 

Poe, Henderson G 

Pearee, W. D 

Pringle, Chas. A 

Parsons, George P 

Parks, James 

Pilgrim, J. D 

Pearson, George F 

Pellham, Oscar 

Price, Scott 

Porter, Tom 

Penix, Bon 

Reid, James M 

Royer, 

Russell, Hubert 

Reterman 



Reynolds, W. L 

Ross, Mrs. Charlie E... 

Root, Morris P 

Robertson, William C . 
Roth, ■ 



Reed, William M., jr. . 
Robinson, Ernest L . . . 

Romero, M. B 

Robertson, William C . 
Robertson, Robert W. 

Rasmunssen, Lee 

Rose, W.H... 

Rush worth. Richard. . 

Reddock, G-aston 

Rodriguez, Toribio 

Rooney, F. P 

Redd, George 

Shope, William H 



Stepp, H. W , 

Schubert, Gindo — 
Shephard, John W . 

Strauss, H. L 

Stevens, Joshua 

Slate, Henry 



Pago. 



7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


12 


27 


8 


993 


8 


1057 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-802 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


8 


1011 


8 


991 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


12 


24 


10 


1489 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


. 848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 



S. Kept. 645, 66-2 6 



81 



G. 



Name. 



Saule,C. M 

Scott, Peter 

Simmons, R. H 

Simmons, Albert F. . . 

Stovall,A. J 

Snyder, Tom 

Sharp, Lee 

Sellers, Clarence 

Snovall, Ralph H 

Stevenson, Albert A.. 

Skinner, George 

Schaef er, Adam 

SpiUsbury, Ernest 

Soto, Pablo 

Seggerson, Charles 

Sanchez, Encamacion 

Stowe, B 

Smith, Frank 

Schofield, Henry 

Sawyer, Guy S 

Smith, Joseph 

Smith, 

Squires, C. A. L 

Spencer, WiUiam 

San Bias, Joseph T . . . 

Smith, J. P 

Saunders, George 

Smith, V.M 

Smith, J 

Smith, John 

Stacker, William 

Snell, Benjamin 

Stell, Dr. A. T 

Stevens, William J. . . 

Smith, Baron 

Smith, 

Thomas, A. E 

Thompson, 

Thomas, John Henry. 

Teanhl, Gilbert 

Taylor, James E 

Tayes, Joseph 

Taylor, S. E 

Thomas, Robert 

Urban, Richard 

Unknown woman 

Unknown 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 



82 



H. 



Name. 



Unknown 

Do 

Do 

Unknown woman 

Unknown teamster. . . 
Unknown civilian 

Do 

Do 

Unknown cowboy 

Do 

Vergara, Clemente 

Volner, 

Varn, 

Valencia, Jose 

Willis, Milton K 

Waite, W. H 

Ward, Frank 

Weiniger, R 

Webster, John E 

Williams, Lee 

Williams, John 

Warner, Mel 

Wood, 

White, 

Wilhs, Antonio James 

Wilson, John P 

Wells, Edward F 

"Windham, Charles S.. 

Warren, James L 

Wadleigh, Charles 

Wallace, W.J 

Watson, Charles R 

Woon, J. W 

Wallace, Walter 

Weeks, James Juan 

Wilhams, Mrs. Arthur 

Williams, 

Wilhams, baby 

Wright, E.J 

Winn, C. A , 

Walker, Walter J 

Welder, Linden L 

Whiteford, Gustave A , 
Weller, Benjamin B . . 

Wallace, Oscar 

White, H.S 

Woolf,U. G 



Book. 



7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


13 


1998 


9 


1469 


15 


22 


15 


22 


2 


380 


L 


34 


L 


34 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


818-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-802 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 


7 


848-862 



83 



I. 

American soldiers killed in Mexico. 



Name. 



Adair, Lieui. H. A 

Albert, T. R 

Bosswell, I. F 

Boyd, Capt. C. T 

Butler, Tom 

Bouche, O 

BlomitjJ. D 

Corrie, William W 

Chaille, Lieut. J. B 

Connelly, Lieut. C. H 

D'Lowry, Francis 

Devorick, Frank 

Day, James E 

Fabbio, G. A 

Fisher, Elzie C 

Fried, Louis Oscar 

Frohlichstein, E . H 

Furman, H 

Gleaton, W. C 

Oingan, 

Herschberger, C. E 

Haggerty, D. A. (marine) 

Htnes, Will 

Kleson, John C. (marine). 

Lane, Denis 

Ledford, R 

Laughter, I. M 

Martin, Samuel (marine) . 

Meisenberg, S 

McGhee, Ben 

Marksbery , D 

Moses, T.C 

Mathiews, C 

McGregor, 

Poinsetts, George 

Pullman , Henry 

Parks, Samuel 

Percy, R.E 

Robinson, W. A 

Richly, Jay 

Roberts, W.F 

Rucker,DeWitt 

Ray,R.A 

Riggs,A.A 

Schumacher. John F . . . . 

Smith, Charles Allen 

Stream, Allen E 

Summerlin, R 

Unknown 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Talbot^^ee 

Troib, David 

Watson, Walter L 

Ware, William 

Winrow, William 

Watson, A.J 

Wisewall, 

Waterhouse, Lieut. F. B . 
Zeigler, Lon 



84 



J. 

American civilians killed along United States border in United States. 



No. 



Name. 



Book. 



Page. 



Austin, A. L 

Austin, Charles 

Byrd, Williams, sr 

Boley, Bernard 

Benavides, Jose Maria. 

Chandler, 

Camp, Jonn 

Creighton, Oscar 

Charlott, Kobert 

Castillo, Clare 

Cunningham, R. A 

Chelders, Clarence 

Doyle, BjTon 

Donaldson, E. R 

Griffith, ■ 



Garcia, Maximiano 

Hulen, Eugene 

Howard, John S 

Hil],IraW 

Hopkins, Chas. L , 

Hinton, Floyd , 

Kendall, H.H 

McCain, Dr. E.^S 

Madrid, John 

Miller, C.C 

Moore, A.J 

MUler, Charles DeWitt. 

NevUl, Glen 

Neivergalt, J. G 

Parker, William 

Parker, Mrs. Wm 

Perkins, Jim 

Parmalee, F. M 

Riche, A. C 

Randall, W.L 

Sitters, Joseph 

Smith, J.S 

Scott, Price 

Soto, Pablo 

Sandoval, Jesus 

Schrivner, • 



Shaw, Jos. R., War Department. 

Tate, Fred 

Timberlake, 

Tusco, Sam. 



Unknown civilian 

Do 

Unknown civilian (Naco). 

Do 



Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Wood, Robert.. 
Welsh, Michael. 



818-8f.2 - 
84&-8G2 
0) 

848-862.- 
84S-862'- 
848-86y 
848-862' 
848-862' 
848-862' 
848-862- 
848-862? 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
1320> 
848-862 
848-8C2 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
8J 8-862 
8)8-862 
848-862 
848-862' 
848-862: 
848-862 
848-862: 
848-862: 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862: 
848-862 
1,095 



848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862- 
848-862 
18 
18 
18 
18 
18 
18 



848-862 
848-862 : 



1 991 Book E ; 695 to 708. 



85 



K. 

United States soldiers killed along harder in United States. 



No. 



Name. 



Book. 



Atchison, T. F 

Cohen, William 

Caloe, J. S 

Cunningham, Anthony, War Department . 

Dobbs, M. A 

Forney,. H. T 

Ferguson, R. H 

Flowers, C 

GrifSin, F. A 

Hobbs, M. A 

Hungerford, J. D 

Johnson, R.J 

Joyce, Martin 

Jones, H.J 

Kraft, Anthony 

Kalonah, E.C 

Kindwall, F. A 

Little, S 

Loftis, Luke W 

Lotts, Bernard 

McBee, A. T 

McConnell, H 

Moore, H. C 

McGuire, - 



Minaden, James 

Oberhes^Vm 

Rogers, H 

Stubblef.eld, H. W 

Schaefer, E 

Simon, Paul 

Taylor, J. P 

Twomey, J. J 

Tusco, Sam 

Ulrich, Sergeant, War Department . 

Unkno'mi, total 28 

Wilson, H 

Watson, R. B 

"VATiite, AVorth 

Warwick, William 

Windhaus, L. C 

Williams, John 



848-862 
848-862 
848-862 



848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 



848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 
848-862 



86 



Outrages — American civilians wounded in Mexico. 



Name. 



Book. 



Page. 



Brown, Mrs. O. P 

Bishop, R. A 

Bell, AViliiam 

Carroll, Mrs. J. W 

Clavson, Ed 

Cobler, J W 

Dixon, Charles B. (immigration inspector in Jiiarez). 

Dunn, H. H 

Eads , John 

Gourd, Miss 

Harris, Allen G 

Harris, H. O 

Jones, Albert 

Jones, Mrs. Albert 

Kirkland, Frank 

Kennedy^. D 

Kerr, J. ( War Department) 

Metzenthin, Miss 

Mor t en> en, 

Neiiro woman 

Whitehead, Bert (War Department) 



HELD FOB EANSOM. 



Fink, W.N 

Jenkins (consular agent), Puebla. 

Knotts, Frank, Chihuahua 

Ledwidge, A 

McCormick, John (twice) 

Malone, Pat , 

Solis, A 

Spencer, Bunk 

Stevenson, H. S 

Sutton, R. B 

Smith, D.B , 



10 



632 
450 
450 
649 
1701 
1711 



1716 
732 

1041 
149 

1663 
670 
670 

1140 

1713 



1109 
648 
1041 



10 


690 


10 


689 


8 


1,138 


10 


690 


10 


689 


10 


690 


3 


15 



'Old book. 



87" 



M. 

Outrages — United States soldiers wounded in Mexico. 



No. 



Name. 



Book. 



Page. 



ArmstroTig, Louis E 

Baird, Neil 

Bolinger, D. B 

Caron, Henrv C 

Clint, William H 

Clayton, U. S 

Ceasecke, Stanly 

Cooley, E.E 

Coyne, Pat 

Chegas, Peter 

Deppy, Paul 

DurleV , Lyle 

Fronterakj Stanley 

Erahm, Elmuth 

Flore, Alfonso 

Green, Arthur O 

Gibson, Vann 

Hendricks, Emil F 

Johnson, Charles F 

Keist, C. L. (War Department) 

Kelley, J. F. (War Department) 

Linberg, Arthur A 

Moroznev, Lawrence 

Jlorgan, "Charles 

Minton, J. G 

Muiette (wounded twice) 

Marks, Capt 

McDonald, W. M 

Noriel, William (Wax Department). 



L 
L 
L 
L 
L 
2 
10 
L 
L 
L 
L 
10 
L 
L 
L 
L 



10 
L 
L 
D 
2 
10 
N 



1570 

1150 

1074 

27 

29 

31 

30 

37 

530 

1570 

29 

34 

29 

30 

1570 

31 

31 

30 

32 



1570 
29 
35 
5fi0 
530 
1570 
. 5 



N. 
American civilians wounded on border in United States. 



No. 



Name. 



Book. 



Page. 



DunnawaT, Jim. (War Department) 

Frost, Archibald 

Forbes, Hem-v 

Garrett, William C , 

GleaveS; Jeflerson (War Department) . . 

Hull, Sony 

Jenson, Ciias 

Longorio, Joe 

Longorio, Damasio (War Department) . 

Monalian. Mike 

Martin, Frank , 

Metherill, Mrs. Lucille 

Moore. Mrs. J. J 

Parker, Mrs. Emma 

Reynolds, R. H 

Riche. Mrs. Laura 

I'nknown woman 

Unknown woman (Naco) 

TTallace, Harry 

Woodal, R . . ." 

Unknown (Naco), total 70 



1604 
1243 
1962 



1243 
1243 
1243 



1243 

1243 

1687 

1957 

1570 

6 

1604 

1988 

118 

1243 

1243 

18 



1 Old book. 



89 



o. 

United States soldiers wounded on border in United States. 



No. 



Name. 



Book. 



Page. 



Arana, Victor D 

Anderson, Capt 

Butler, Fred J 

Bilek, Joe 

Buckles, Roscoe 

Brasher, C. J 

Behr, Fred 

Coleman, Wm. P 

Casey, Burchard 

Coomer, Wm. M 

Candela, Louis 

Donville, Raymond J . 

Friedman, Alfred 

Herman, Fred J 

Harris, James E 

Henry, Lieut 

Hallenbeck, Ben 

Havela, Tony 

Harris, Allen G 

Harris, H. O 

Jackson, ■ 



Kennedy, Pvt 

Laymond, C. H 

Langland, Paul 

Love, Calvin 

Lytle, Archibald 

L3Tm, Fred 

Minette. P. W 

Malasofl, Henry 

Moore, Ernest W 

McDonald, Alf. J. (War Department) 

McNabb, David, Capt. (War Department) - 

McGoigaii, P^'t. (War Department) 

Oberlies, WiUiam 

Price, Victor 

Reynolds, Wallace 

Rouch, J. E 

Riley, Ed. C 

Smith, Earl C 

Scheve, Edward 

Sweroznski, James 

Sanches , Viviano 

Smith, H.R 

Stewart, L.T 

Swing, T. H 

Walls, David 

Wilson, Capt 



32 
1243 

28 

29 
1570 
1243 
1243 
1570 
1570 
1570 
1243 

30 
1570 

27 

31 
1243 
1243 
1243 
149 
1 663 
1243 
1243 
1243 
1243 
1570 

30 
1570 
1243 
1243 

28 



1243 

30 

31 

1243 

1570 

1570 

28 

29 

31 

1243 

1243 

1243 

32 

32 



iQld book. 
. MEMORANDUM. 
FOREIGNERS OTHER THAN AMERICANS KILLED IN MEXICO. 



With the exception of the Torreon massacre of 303 Chinese citizens, 
the evidence before this committee shows 46 Americans were killed 
to 1 of other nationalities. 
90 



PARTIAL PROPERTY LOSS IN MEXICO, AS TESTIFIED TO BEFORE 

COMMITTEE. 



Name. 


Reference. 


Amount. 


Number, 

esti- 


Book. 


Page. 


mated, 
families. 


Associated Tropical Land Co 


9 
9 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
D 
E 
5 
9 

17 
17 
17 
H 
2 
13 
8 

8 
10 
11 

s 

8 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
15 


1374 

1429 

1003 

1090 

1028 

1076 

1177 

484 

794 

527 

525 

2596 

2599 

2603 

16 

449 

1970 

1071 

1036 

1496 

1709 

979 

1, 166 • 

1,481 

1,4S1 

1,481 

1,4S1 

1,481 

2,170 


$1,000,000 

450, 000 

84, 000 

25,000 

15, 000 

20,000 

100,000 

259, 000 

100,000 

256,000 

12,500 

70,000 

25,000 

207,000 

100,000 

10,000 

50,000 








Americans — robbed cash, Monterrey 




AMn, A. D 




Bailev, Lola C 




Bedwell, J. W 




Blocker, Jno. R 




Blankinship, A. E. . 




Byrd, "W. S 




Brewer, Arthur .•. 




Birehfleld, S 








Bowman, H.E 








Catron, Hirman 




Carrol, Mrs. J. W 




Cameron, Dr 




Church, E. G 




Colonies: 

Atascador 


3, 000, 000 

900,000 

1,000,000 

920, 000 

150, 000 

1,500,000 

3, 000, 000 

3,000,000 

1,500,000 

3,000,000 

150, 000 

3.000,000 

' 100, 000 

1, .500, 000 

1,500,000 

1,000,000 

3, 000, 000 

2,900,000 

200,000 

500, 000 

200, 000 

20, 000 

12, 000 

680, 000 

224, 500 

7,000 

342, 518 

60,000 

50, 000 

8, 640 

3,531 

41,000 

1,600 

50,000 

10,000 

89,800 

30,000 

15,000 

2,128 

10,000 

400,000 

20,000 

20,000 

20,000 

70,000 

2500,000 

* 233, 833 

66, 767 

40,000 

50,000 

500 




300 


Camacho. . . 


90 


Cnliimhns, .. . 


100 


Chamal 


92 


Colonia 


150 


Chuichupa 


150 


T)T]b]sin ... 


300 


Diaz . 


300 


Garcia 


150 


Juarez 


300 


Medina 


15 


Morelos 


300 








10 


Pacheco 


10 
N 

8 
13 

8 


1,481 
2 
1,052 
1,977 
1,160 


150 




150 


Santa Lucrecia 


100 




300 


Sinaloa-Sonora 


290 




20 


Valles 


1 


50 






20 


T)nTiTi, E. S. 


N 
N 


2 
2 




Duff,l).E 




Dollev, Dr. Chas. S 






E 
8 


6S7 
1,093 




Ellis, James E 




Erwin, Thos 




Garrett, W.C 


13 

8 


1,962 
1,086 








Gnntpr, T, 












Hombeack.T. R 




84 

1,162 

1134 

9 






8 
I 

N 




Hess, Louis 








Kolklozch.L. J . . .... 




Luckett.R.H 


I 
I 


138 
179 




Loughborough, S. F 








Moorehead, Don D.. 


N 

10 

15 

8 

8 

S 

8 

N 

I 

2 

11 

8 


2 
1,502 
2,200 
1,109 
1,014 
1,074 
1,014 

%, 

550 

1,667 

1,082 








Manlev, Paul 




Metzehthin, Paul 




McBee,F.M 




Miller, W.W 




National Mine Smelting Co 








Padillo, Jesus B 




Rathbone.C.H 




Rio Verde Agricultural Co 









' Testimony of 1912. 



» Partial. 



' Insert 1. 



«Cash. 



91 



92 , AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 

Partial property loss in Mexico, as testified to before committee — Continued. 



Name. 



Reference. 



Book. 



Amount. 



Number, 

esti- 
mated, 
families. 



Sutton, R. B 

Sutton, D. C 

Sugar Co., Michoacan. 

Simon, Chas. F 

Tabasco Plantation Co. 
Union Mercantile Co . . . 

Veator, S. H 

Vista Hermosa Co 

Warner, E. R 

Wieder, L. L 

Wetherell, Lucille 

Whatley . Anita 

Wright, Mrs. Mary 

Willis, Felicitas 

Welsh, Fred 

Yaqui Delta Land Co. . 
Executive session 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 



Total. 



15-E 
1705 
5-E 



1,378 
1335 
1,481 
2,203 
95 

1,687 

1,084 

1,027 

1,030 

1,140 

429 

13 

667 

504 

819 

184 

1310 

18 

7 

18 
593 
26 



S2,400 

21,500 

25, 000 

49, 774 

2,000,000 

250,000 

40, 000 

500,000 

50,000 

20,000 

7,000 

60,000 

13,000 

15,000 

700 

2,000,000 

75,000 

2,000,000 

17,000 

1,161,000 

500,000 

600,000 

20,000 

1,600,000 

75,000 

996, 442 

600,000 



50,481,133 



1 Testimony of 1912. 

RECAPITULATION. 



2 Insert 2. 



Families. 



Losses. 



Colonists and families outside of colonies, engaged in agricultural pursuits, includ- 
ing some plantation companies 

Miscellaneous individuals engaged in business on small scale ■. 

Miscellaneous companies engaged in business on small scale 



3,400 



38, 119, 774 
4, 273, 084 
8, 088, 275 



Total. 



50,481,133 



Damage to oil companies, other than loss of pay rolls, not included in this list. 

Damage to mining companies, other than dynamiting of one plant, not included in this list. 

Damage to railroads not included in this list. Is specifically referred to in chairman's remarks. 

In addition to the property losses enumerated herein, the committee 
is in receipt of letters from the following persons who suffered pro- 
perty loss in Mexico: 



Brack ett, F. S. 
Bumgardner, Edward. 
Beaty, W. L. 
Colver, Walter. 
Collins, E. W. 
Coon, Jas. T. 
Carney, Peter. 
Corscadden, Jno. E. 
Cunningham Inv. Co. 
Garrett, James E. 
Houghton, E. L. 
Hale, W. P. 
Hadsell, S. G. 
Hartley, Geo. S. 
Mountjoy, Jno. H. 



Metnzer, F. C. 

Papet, Pv. N. 

Page, Mrs. W. R. 

Preston, J. W. 

Sullivan, Jackson W. 

Scheuer, Miss Lucitta. 

Synder, O. J. 

Sanger, Chas. W. 

Thoreson, I. C. , 

Tull, A. 0. 

United States Development Co. 

Van de Bogert, D. E. 

Wilson, J. H. 

Windham, Mrs. Mabell. 

Windham, Jno. J. 



In view of the fact that their losses were not enumerated and certi- 
fied to, it is impossible to set out the amounts in this record. 



AFFAIES li^ MEXICO. 



93 



Dear Senator Fall: 



Department of State, 
Washimjton, September 9, Wl'j. 



So far as concerns the quantity of damages sustained by American citizens in Mexico 
during the period mentioned, I may say that the department's information on this 
point is derived from the claims aga.inst the Mexican Government which ha"\'e been 
filed with it, the facts regarding which are set forth in the following tabulation; 



Claims filed alleeing 
damages to property . . 


772 

73 

97 

942 


Number of such claims 
in which amount of 
damagesisnotstated. 118 

Number of such claims 
in which amount of 
damagesisnotstated. 25 

Number of such claims 
in which the amount 
of damages is not 
stated 10 

Whole number of cases 
in which no specified 
amount is stated 153 


Total amount of damages set 
forth i n remainder of prop- 
erty claims 


$22,835,592.83 
2,317,375.00 
1,476,629.78 


Claims filed for alleged 
killing of Americ?n 
citizens 

Claims filed for alleged 
injuries to the person. 


Total amount of damages set 
forth in remainder of the 
death cases 

Total amount of damages set 
forth in remainder of per- 
sonal injuries claims 

Total amount claimed in cases 
where amounts are specified 


Whole number of claims 
filed during the period 
specified 


26,629,597.61 



It will be observed that the amounts of the claims given above are those alleged by 
the claimants in their statements of claim, and are not the estimates of the Depart- 
ment of State. 



Sincerely, yours, 



William Phillips, 

Acting Secretary of State. 



Summary of losses — American. 

Deaths $14, 675, 000 

Personal injuries 2, 846, 301 

Property, individual 50, 481, 133 

Railroad, American (estimated) 112, 000, 000 

Mining (estunated) 125, 000, 000 

Oil; stock ranches; coffee, sugar, and other plantations; factories; banks; 

city residences; power plants; irrigation systems, etc 200, 000, 000 

Total 505, 002, 434 

o 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



015 829 171 fl 



